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Abuja’s water crisis is not coming. It is already here

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Abuja

Abuja Water Crisis intensifies as experts warn pollution around Mpape threatens Lower Usuma Dam and safe water supply for the capital

By Sheriff Balogun

There is a dangerous illusion at the heart of Nigeria’s capital. From the polished streets of Maitama to the diplomatic calm of Asokoro, Abuja presents itself as a city that works.

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Also read: ICAN Aviation Chapter Launches Bold N500m Endowment Fund

But upstream, quite literally, the foundations of that order are being eroded. And not in secret. In full view of the authorities responsible for preventing it.

Mpape, the city’s largest informal settlement, sits above the Lower Usuma Dam, the primary source of drinking water for the Federal Capital Territory.

Every rainfall carries waste, sewage and sediment downhill into that reservoir. This is not speculation.

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It is documented reality. What is harder to explain is why it has been allowed to persist for decades.

The most troubling aspect of this crisis is not the contamination itself. It is the normalisation of it.

Officials have acknowledged the threat. Scientific studies have confirmed declining water quality.

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Reports have described medical waste and household refuse sitting in pathways that lead directly into the dam.

Yet governance response has remained slow, fragmented and largely reactive.

The implication is stark. Abuja is attempting to purify water that is being consistently polluted at its source. That is not a sustainable system. It is an expensive illusion.

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Even the numbers tell a story of strain. The Lower Usuma system was designed to deliver far more water than it currently produces.

Treatment plants operate at less than half capacity, partly because the raw water arriving at those facilities is increasingly difficult and costly to treat.

At the same time, the city’s population continues to surge, far outpacing the assumptions that guided its original design.

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This mismatch between planning and reality is not unique to Abuja, but the consequences here are particularly severe. WaterAid estimates that only a small fraction of residents have access to safe tap water.

Many rely on rivers, streams or private boreholes. The latter may offer short-term relief for middle-income households, but they introduce another long-term risk: unchecked groundwater depletion.

For poorer communities, including those living around Mpape itself, there is no fallback.

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Contaminated water translates directly into disease, lost income and avoidable deaths.

Cholera and typhoid are not abstract risks. They are recurring outcomes of policy failure.

And yet, policy continues to focus disproportionately on treatment rather than prevention.

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Billions of naira have been committed to rehabilitating treatment plants and expanding infrastructure.

These are necessary investments, but they do not address the core issue.

A more efficient treatment plant cannot compensate indefinitely for a polluted catchment.

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Filtering dirty water more effectively is not the same as protecting clean water at its source.

The events of January 2026, when water supply disruptions were linked to unpaid electricity bills, exposed another layer of fragility.

A capital city whose water system can be partially crippled by power disconnection is operating on borrowed time.

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The reliance on diesel generators to sustain critical infrastructure is both costly and unsustainable.

What emerges is a pattern of governance that reacts to symptoms while neglecting causes. Mpape itself illustrates this clearly.

For years, the dominant policy instinct has been demolition. But demolition without resettlement is not a solution.

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It merely displaces the problem or pauses it temporarily. The persistence of Mpape is not evidence of defiance alone.

It is evidence of unmet housing needs and unresolved historical grievances dating back to the creation of the FCT.

If Abuja is to secure its water future, it must abandon the illusion that this problem can be engineered away downstream. The solution begins upstream, with governance.

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That means treating Mpape not as an anomaly to be erased, but as a community to be integrated into the city’s planning framework.

Basic sanitation infrastructure, waste management systems and drainage control are not luxuries. In this context, they are essential components of water security.

It also means enforcing environmental protections within the dam’s catchment area.

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Buffer zones, erosion control and restrictions on high-risk activities such as unregulated farming are standard practices in cities that take their water sources seriously. Abuja cannot claim to be an exception.

Equally important is institutional coordination. The agencies that oversee water, urban development and environmental protection must operate with a shared mandate, not in silos.

The current fragmentation allows responsibility to diffuse, and with it, accountability.

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Finally, there is the question of political will. The scale of investment already committed to water infrastructure demonstrates that resources can be mobilised when priorities are clear.

The challenge is to redirect part of that focus toward prevention, where the returns are higher and the long-term costs significantly lower.

Abuja was conceived as a symbol of national unity and modern planning.

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But no city can sustain that promise without something more fundamental than architecture or administration. It needs reliable, safe water.

Right now, that foundation is under threat from a problem that is neither hidden nor inevitable. It is the result of choices, and of inaction.

The water crisis in Abuja will not announce itself dramatically when it becomes irreversible.

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It will deepen gradually, quietly, until the cost of fixing it exceeds the cost of having prevented it.

Also read: ICAN Aviation Chapter Launches Bold N500m Endowment Fund

That threshold is approaching. The only question is whether those in authority will act before it is crossed.

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Opinion

Seven prime ministers in a decade: What Nigeria can learn from Britain’s chaos

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Prime Minister

By Dr Toju Ogbe,

The resignation of British Prime Minister Keir Starmer, less than two years after leading the Labour Party to  a landslide electoral victory, was dramatic, yet reflected a pattern we have become familiar with in recent British politics.

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Also read: Abolish state of origin: A prerequisite for true national integration

Starmer now joins a procession of fallen prime ministers stretching back to 2016 – from David Cameron to Theresa May, Boris Johnson, Liz Truss, and Rishi Sunak.

None of these prime ministers was ousted through military intervention, popular insurrection, or a court order. Rather, each was ultimately brought down by the same political system that elevated them to electoral glory.

To the casual observer, the rapid turnover of British Prime Ministers in the last decade may appear chaotic, or even a symptom of political instability. Some argue that the British electorate has become ungovernable.

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However, beneath the apparent chaos at Westminster lies an uncomfortable truth that African democracies would do well to examine, particularly Nigerians who wonder why our democracy has delivered so little despite almost three decades of uninterrupted civilian rule.

The turbulence of British politics over the last decade, presents an important lesson on democratic accountability beyond successful elections.

Once the prime minister is deemed a liability by their own political party, the mechanics of accountability are activated. The daggers are quietly drawn and the ruthless pressure to resign begins.

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Every poll and survey on public opinion is closely monitored, local election results are taken as a referendum on leadership. Cabinet resignations begin to gain momentum and backbenchers get restless.

Once the news media smells an internal uprising, they amplify scrutiny of the prime minister, subjecting every move – speech, public appearance, political misstep etc to relentless examination.

Pressure gradually mounts until the prospect of bitter internal leadership challenge becomes impossible to resist. The Prime Minister falls.

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For every British Prime Minister, winning an election is merely the beginning of examination, not the end. Political survival lasts only for as long as the prime minister maintains the confidence of his party and the parliament.

This is the muscle of British democratic accountability; a political culture that prioritises institutional survival over individual ambition. Starmer recognised this reality in his resignation speech:

“The question my party is asking now is whether I am best placed to lead us into the next general election. I have heard the answer of my parliamentary party to that question, and I accept that answer with good grace.”

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That closing sentence alone is a masterclass in British institutional democracy. The party spoke. The leader listened. The correction comes from within.

 

Nigeria presents a strikingly different political logic.

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Nigeria on the other hand, presents an interesting contrast with a different political logic and culture.

The notion that a governing party would overtly interrogate the performance of its own leader and engineer a transition to someone better equipped to maintain public confidence, is in most cases politically unthinkable in Nigeria.

Political parties in Nigeria do not coalesce  around ideological principles; rather, they operate more as electoral instruments organised around powerful individuals.

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Internal dissent is often dealt with as betrayals rather than as part of healthy democratic engagement. Godfatherism and transactional loyalties shape political succession and leadership retention.

Once elected in Nigeria, there is an inherent assumption that a governor or president has a fixed two-term lease on power.

While 10 Downing Street is preparing to welcome its seventh Prime Minister in a decade, Nigeria, in contrast, has had only two democratically elected presidents during the same period – one of whom is still serving.

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Social and economic conditions may deteriorate. Insecurity may worsen. Campaign promises may be ignored.

Public frustrations may become unbearable. Yet, incumbent governors and presidents often remain insulated from meaningful internal scrutiny and are even routinely anointed as ‘consensus’ candidate for second terms provided loyalties to godfathers, rather than the electorates are maintained.

The consequence is that loyalty, instead of performance is often rewarded at the expense of accountability.

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This is not an argument for a revolving door at Aso Rock, as frequent leadership changes, by themselves, do not guarantee good governance.

Rather it is a case for making accountability an integral aspect of party politics in Nigeria.

Although the Nigerian presidential system provides for a fixed four-year term regardless of party confidence, political parties should however, be more than instruments for election campaigns, activated to simply retain or take over power every four years.

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Electoral victory, should not be the ultimate goal, but the starting point of public service where democratic legitimacy must be continuously earned.

Equally important, political parties must develop the institutional maturity to honestly evaluate their own leaders. They must prioritise public interest and institutional credibility over loyalty to ‘Godfathers’.

The ultimate lesson from Westminster’s revolving door is clear: the true strength of a democratic system, lies not in the ability to produce leaders, but the capacity to effectively replace them, when they no longer command confidence.

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Protecting failing leaders from accountability weakens democracy and political parties must ensure that no leader is more powerful than the institution.

Also read: Madugu Targets Strong WAFCON Title Defence for Super Falcons

As political parties gear up for the 2027 general elections, the political class must decide what matters more: we can continue to reward blind loyalty and endure predictable decline, or discover the courage to demand accountability from those who seek to lead us.

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