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Opinion

Nigeria at 66: Taking stock and doing the needful…

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Nigeria

By Bola BOLAWOLE,

 

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Thursday, Ist October, 2026, Nigeria celebrates its 66th anniversary. Is there anything at all to celebrate? I know opinion will be sharply divided on this score.

Also read: NFF Appeals CAF Ruling on Edo Queens’ WAFU-B Victory

There are those who will say there is nothing really to celebrate while others will say comme ci, comme ca! Neither good nor bad.

There is still cause for cheers all the same, yet some will say. It can be better, but we should be careful not to throw the baby away with the bath water.

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In other words, we should appreciate whatever progress has been made while pointing the way forward. Sixty-six years may be a long period in the life of a person but it is like the very first step taken, as the Chinese would say, in a journey of 1000 years.

A better way to understand this is to note that there are countries/civilizations that have existed even before the birth of Jesus Christ!

Some of the oldest civilizations/countries in the world are said to be Iran, Egypt, Vietnam, Armenia, China, India, Georgia, Ethiopia, Greece, Japan, San Marino, France, Bulgaria, Nepal, Portugal, Mongolia, Thailand, Andorra, Switzerland, and Spain.

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Note that except for Egypt, no other African civilization/country is mentioned in the list, but we shall soon return to that.

Iran’s civilisation is traced to c.3200 BCE; Egypt, c. 3100 BCE; Vietnam, c. 2879 BCE; China, c. 2070 BCE; India, c. 2000 BCE; and so on and so forth.

Does it then mean that there are no ancient civilizations in Africa that measure up to those mentioned above? How about our ancient empires and kingdoms – Mali empire, Songhai empire; Kush, Azom, and Zimbabwe, among others? A unique feature of the European, Asian and Arabic countries mentioned above is that colonialism and/or military conquest notwithstanding, they have stoutly maintained their distinct cultural identities.

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Thank God for archeology: The Iho Eleru (formerly Iwo Eleru) rock shelter in Isarun near Akure, the Ondo state capital, has yielded the oldest known human fossil remains in West Africa, dating back approximately 13,000 years.

What this indicates is that there has been human life in that area for a much longer period than is recorded for some of the so-called oldest countries or civilizations of the world.

The various bronze heads of Ife and Benin, for instance, showed the superior technological development of our fore-fathers, at some point, compared to Europe and other parts of the world.

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How come, then, that none of our ancient cities and civilizations are mentioned in the league of Iran, China, Japan, etc.?

The simple reason could be that colonialism erased our pre-colonial history, achievements and identities.

Any student of History at the then University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University), Ile-Ife), who studied at the feet of Dr. Ishola Olomola (as he then was), whom some of us nicknamed “Tekrur” because of the way he produced the name, must have answered the question “Africa has no history: Discuss.”

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To them, our history – and existence – started with the coming of the colonialists and their “discovery” of our existence! Thus, it was Mungo Park who “discovered” the River Niger, notwithstanding that he was led to the river by locals (natives) who had lived side-by-side the river for God-knows-when! On our part, we acquiesced in the erasure and have not only carried it forward but have also deepened it.

Africans were not the only people subjected to colonial rule or slavery, but while others struggled to maintain their cultural identities, we were just too glad to abandon ours and swallow what the colonizers imposed on us hook-line-and-sinker.

For those who may not know, the Indians, like us in Nigeria, were also colonized by Britain; so also what is today called Pakistan and Bangladesh. Parts of China were at some point colonized by Japan; so also the Korean peninsula (known today as North Korea and South Korea).

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While those countries threw away the yoke of colonialism, maintained their cultural identities and retraced their history back to pre-colonial days, those of us in Africa have chosen to forgo our pre-colonial history and identities. Gone are our indigenous language, religion, mode of dressing, culture, ways of life, customs, traditions and beliefs. We are happy – in fact, the mark of civilization is when we ape the colonizers and distance ourselves from our roots.

But we should have asked ourselves: Why is it that foreign countries, including ex-colonies like us, teach their children in their own language while we abandon ours and learn instead in the foreign language imposed on us by our erstwhile colonial masters? Those of us who travel abroad for studies must first learn their own language.

Is it true that the original idea behind the founding of the then University of Ife by the Obafemi Awolowo government of the Western Region was to conduct learning in the Yoruba language, hence the Motto: For Learning and Culture? But the military struck in 1966 and the rest, as they say, is history! Why have we abandoned our own religion and belief systems for those of foreigners who still keep theirs? Why do we despise everything that is ours but embrace what is theirs, even when it is clear to us that it is not working, and cannot work for us?

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When we say Nigeria is 66 years old, it does not mean that the various nations and people making up Nigeria are 66 years old.

The Yoruba, Hausa, Igbo, Bini, Jukun, Kanuri, etc are hundreds, if not thousands of years old. They have also created civilizations that, at their apogee, compared to, even surpassed, anyone mentioned above.

When the Lugardian Experiment of 1914, as it is derisively called by those opposed to it, is abandoned, then the various ethnic nationalities making up Nigeria will be free to retrace their history back beyond 1914 to an era that compares favourably with those mentioned above. The contraption called Nigeria is, thus, a prison of sorts and an eraser of history.

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Nigeria may be 66 years old but the Yoruba, Igbo, Hausa, Bini, Jukun, Igala, Ijaw, Idoma, and many others are certainly not. They are thousands of years older than Nigeria.

And therein lies a fundamental problem: When we say 66 years are but like the twinkle of an eye in the life of a nation, which nation are we referring to? Is it the various nationalities that make up Nigeria? Ahmadu Bello reportedly referred to Nigeria as the “mistake of 1914.” In his book, Path to Nigerian Freedom (1947), Obafemi Awolowo referred to the same Nigeria as “a mere geographical expression.” One Hundred and Twelve (112) years after the amalgamation, has Nigeria stopped being a mistake or a mere geographical expression? Even those who publicly profess their love for Nigeria, are they more than Nnamdi Azikiwe who prefer to live for Nigeria rather than die for it? “Why die for Nigeria when you can live for Nigeria”, Zik was quoted as saying!

In the Olympics, World cup, UEFA and European League competitions, big and small nations compete as sovereign nations. Countries not as big as my native Ondo state compete as nations. Then I wonder why a similar thing cannot happen here.

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Why shouldn’t the Yoruba have their own nation or country? Why shouldn’t the Igbo have their dream Biafra? Why shouldn’t any other nationality in today’s Nigeria that wants to break away do so and form their own country? Why must we continue to force strange bedfellows to cohabit with bad blood flowing endlessly in their veins?

In the United Kingdom as we speak, the three other components of Northern Ireland, Scotland, and Wales are itching to go their separate ways.

Scotland has twice failed (in 1979 and 2014) to meet the threshold in the referendum for independence; still, its leaders are making another move.

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In Spain, Catalonia’s independence movement has not relented. In 2017, it caused a constitutional crisis that nearly forced Spain on its knees.

The Soviet Union behemoth broke into 15 independent countries in December 1991. That break has not prevented Russia, the largest rump of the erstwhile USSR, from retaining its status as a superpower-nation.

Comrade-President Jozip Broz Tito’s much-beloved Yugoslavia fought a decade-long and bitter civil war (1991 – 2000) before splitting into six or seven independent countries. In contrast, Czechoslovakia’s “velvet divorce” led to the Czechs and Slovakians peacefully going their separate ways on January 1, 1993.

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The “divorce” that separated Singapore and Malaysia was not as pleasant.

Malaysia considered Singapore a drag on its economic and political development and expelled it from the federation on August 9, 1965; similar to what Major Gideon Orkar and his fellow coupists wanted to do to some states in the North of the country with their failed coup of April 22, 1990. Singaporean leaders wept after their expulsion.

Many thought the end had come for the small, arid and resource-less island. But Singapore’s leaders, led by the iconic Lee Kuan Yew, pulled themselves up by their bootstraps and, today, Singapore is one of the most prosperous countries in the world, with its GPD surpassing even that of Malaysia. Singapore’s GDP is $659.57 billion while that of Malaysia is $516.4 billion

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Let those advocating for the restructuring of Nigeria on the account that the North of this country which, today, is considered a drag on the country, will suffer, take note of this.

I advocate for restructuring because I believe it can prove the elusive solution to Nigeria’s problem as it will compel everyone to buckle up and work, putting an end to the present system of monkey dey work, baboon dey chop.

With both monkey and baboon rolling up their sleeves and sweating it out – as was the case with Malaysia and Singapore – what a win-win solution that will be!

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The alternative to a peaceful resolution of the Nigerian quagmire could be another civil war – God forbid! The experience of the civil war of 1967 – 1970 is there to warn us.

If that is not fresh enough, we have seen Liberia, Sierra Leone, Rwanda, Sudan, Ethiopia/Eritrea and, of course, Kosovo.

Many of the independent countries mentioned above are not half as big or richly-endowed as the nationalities fighting for their own independent status here in Nigeria – such as Biafra and Oodua.

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Seperation has helped India and Pakistan to both become nuclear-power nations.

The experience of other countries that parted ways in Europe also points to the fact that separation may not necessarily be a bad idea afterall.

It can even prove the catalyst that we need for the rapid socio-economic development that has eluded us for 66 years.

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Also read: NFF Appeals CAF Ruling on Edo Queens’ WAFU-B Victory

While wishing Nigerians happy celebrations, let us also serve a note of warning that a stitch in time saves nine!

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Opinion

Tegbe’s 24-Hour Energy Zones and the Shift From Megawatts to Money

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Tegbe

 By Sufuyan Ojeifo,

There is a point at which a country’s electricity problem ceases to be merely an electricity problem. It becomes a problem of economic geography.

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Also read: Everton Celebrates Nigeria’s 66th Independence With Football Legends

Where can factories operate with confidence? Where can businesses plan beyond the next appearance of a generator? Where can hospitals, schools, technology companies, markets and households begin to organise their lives around the reasonable expectation that electricity will be there?

This is the thinking behind the latest initiative from the Minister of Power, Joseph Tegbe, to develop what the Federal Government calls Energy Zones – defined corridors where homes, businesses and industries could receive stable, 24-hour electricity.

The proposed zones cover the Lagos axis, the Abuja-Kaduna-Kano corridor and the Enugu-Port Harcourt corridor. Tegbe’s latest move is a meeting with selected electricity distribution companies to begin working through what it would take to make the idea real.

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At first glance, it sounds like another promise of uninterrupted electricity in a country that has heard too many such promises. However, there is something more consequential in the architecture of the proposal.

Tegbe is asking Nigerians to look at the power problem differently.

For years, the national conversation has been dominated by generation. How many megawatts are being produced? How much can the transmission grid carry? How many generating plants are working? These are important questions. But electricity does not become useful simply because it has been generated.

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It must travel. It must be received. It must be distributed. And ultimately, somebody must be able to use it. That last part has often been treated as the end of the conversation when, in reality, it is where the economic value of electricity begins.

Tegbe has put the point plainly. The constraint is not limited to generation and transmission; it also includes how much electricity can be taken up and delivered at the distribution end.

The proposed Energy Zones are intended to address precisely that gap while improving commercial demand and the revenue performance of the distribution companies.

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There is an important idea here.

Nigeria does not necessarily have to wait for every weakness in the electricity value chain to be solved simultaneously before beginning to create pockets of reliability.

A country of more than 200 million people, with enormous differences in industrial activity, population density and commercial demand, may have to proceed through carefully selected economic corridors while the wider system is repaired.

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This is not an argument for abandoning the national grid. It is an argument for making the grid more economically purposeful.

The three corridors selected by the Ministry are revealing. Lagos and its adjoining industrial axis represent perhaps the country’s most concentrated commercial and industrial demand.

The Abuja-Kaduna-Kano corridor connects the political capital with major commercial and industrial centres in the North. Enugu-Port Harcourt links important commercial, manufacturing and energy-producing communities in the South-East and South-South.

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These are not simply lines on a power map. They are lines on Nigeria’s economic map. That distinction matters.

For too long, Nigerians have experienced electricity largely as a household inconvenience. The light goes off. The generator comes on. A business buys diesel. A manufacturer factors self-generation into production costs. A hospital makes contingency arrangements.

A young entrepreneur learns, often painfully, that the real price of electricity is not what appears on the bill but what it costs to keep the business alive when the supply fails.

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A reliable electricity corridor changes that equation.

If a factory knows that a particular industrial cluster has dependable power, investment decisions begin to change.

If a commercial district can plan around predictable electricity, operating costs become easier to manage.

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If businesses can depend on supply for most of the day, generators can move from being the first line of defence to being what they were always supposed to be: backup.

This is where Tegbe’s technocratic instincts may prove significant.

His background is not that of a career power-sector operator. His professional experience has largely been in consulting, fiscal and economic reform, institutional transformation and advisory work. That background has been visible in his early approach to the ministry – diagnosis, audits, financial questions, infrastructure bottlenecks, and attempts to identify where one part of the system is preventing another from functioning properly.

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His Energy Zones proposal fits that pattern. It treats the electricity market less as a single machine waiting for one dramatic repair and more as a system of interconnected constraints that can be isolated, diagnosed and addressed.

Tegbe had already identified the three corridors as priorities for grid stabilisation, with technical audits intended to establish the condition of critical infrastructure. The latest engagement with DisCos suggests that the idea is now moving beyond technical diagnosis towards the more difficult question of how distribution will work within those corridors.

That is where the hard work begins.

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A 24-hour power zone cannot be created by a press statement. It requires generation that is available when needed, transmission capacity that can carry it, distribution infrastructure capable of receiving it, transformers and feeders that can withstand the load, metering that properly captures consumption, customers willing and able to pay, and a commercial structure in which the various participants have an incentive to keep the system working.

It also requires protection. Vandalism and energy theft do not respect administrative boundaries. Neither do faulty equipment, unpaid bills or poor collection practices. Tegbe himself has acknowledged that the sector’s problems reinforce one another. Weak collections affect the market. Market weakness affects maintenance and gas payments. Unreliable supply in turn depresses collections.

This is why the Energy Zone experiment, if it is to succeed, must be judged by more than the number of hours electricity is available.

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The real test will be whether reliability begins to produce economic consequences. Does industrial output increase? Do businesses spend less on self-generation? Does investment respond? Do DisCos collect more because customers are receiving a service they can trust? Does the government recover enough value from improved commercial activity to justify further infrastructure investment?

Those are the questions that should eventually accompany the glossy language of 24-hour power.

And there is another question that Tegbe and the Federal Government will have to confront: what happens outside the zones?

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Nigeria cannot become a collection of electrically privileged corridors surrounded by communities waiting indefinitely for their turn.

The logic of concentrating investment in high-demand areas can be defended economically, especially if the resulting commercial activity strengthens the wider electricity market.

But the strategy will ultimately have to demonstrate how successful zones become stepping stones towards broader reliability.

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That is the difference between an experiment and a system.

There is also a danger in admiring the architecture of reform from the comfort of an office.

It has to be said here that the statement issued by the minister’s media aide was long on ambition and conspicuously short on the details that matter. No timeline. No capacity targets. No specific investment figures. It is the kind of announcement that has, historically, been the precursor to nothing at all.

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So Nigerians should watch the idea with interest, but also with the healthy scepticism that comes from decades of promises about electricity.

The minister deserves a measure of credit for at least diagnosing an important part of the illness.

For once, the conversation has shifted from the head to the feet – from generation to distribution, from megawatts to money.

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At the same time, the Nigerian people have been given blueprints before. They have learned to admire the drawings while the building crumbles.

The Energy Zones remain a proposal. The government has not yet announced the detailed capacity requirements, implementation timetable or precise infrastructure investments that would make 24-hour supply possible.

That is not necessarily a fatal flaw. It may simply mean the idea is still being worked out.

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But it does mean that the language of 24-hour power should be treated as an aspiration until it is matched by the machinery of implementation.

Yet the proposal deserves attention because it reflects a potentially important shift in the way the power problem is being conceived.

Nigeria may not fix its electricity crisis in one heroic sweep. It may have to build reliability corridor by corridor, demand centre by demand centre, and economic cluster by economic cluster.

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There is nothing inherently glamorous about such work. It is engineering, finance, regulation, distribution and relentless attention to the weak link in the chain. But perhaps that is precisely the point.

The country has spent decades waiting for the great national electricity breakthrough.

Tegbe’s emerging approach suggests something less dramatic and potentially more practical: make a few economically critical parts of the system work properly, learn from them, strengthen the model, and expand it.

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The success of that approach will ultimately be measured not in speeches or megawatts, but in what Nigerians can do with the electricity when it arrives.

Does the factory run a second shift? Does the business hire more workers? Does the hospital keep its equipment running through the night? Does the young entrepreneur stop budgeting for diesel and start budgeting for growth?

Also read: Everton Celebrates Nigeria’s 66th Independence With Football Legends

That is where the real power story begins. And that is the standard against which Tegbe’s Energy Zones should ultimately be judged: not by whether 24-hour power sounds impressive in a press release, but by whether the lights stay on long enough for Nigerians to build something with them.

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