Connect with us

Opinion

Tinubu’s Biggest Opponent Is Not Obi or Atiku… It’s Tinubu

Published

on

Tinubu

By Moses Braimah

“A government that spends more time explaining the opposition than explaining its achievements may already know where its real problem lies.”

Nigeria is a fascinating country. 

Advertisement

Explain it to someone and watch them nod eagerly, only for them to confess moments later: “I still don’t understand.” If you claim to fully grasp Nigeria, you are either a genius or nobody explained it properly.

Take our politics. 

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu sits in Aso Rock with every lever of power firmly in hand: constitutional authority, federal machinery, a ruling party that controls the National Assembly, the loyalty of most governors, ministerial appointments, security agencies, and the full weight of incumbency. He has time, plenty of it, before 2027.

Advertisement

Also read: Kwankwaso Condemns Response to Obi, El-Rufai Cases

Yet somehow, Peter Obi still haunts the dreams of many in the corridors of power. How?

Even if we accept the official narrative without question; INEC declared Tinubu winner, the judiciary affirmed it, case closed – the reality remains: Obi came third, Atiku second. Simple arithmetic.

So why does every political conversation treat Peter Obi like the man in Aso Rock and Tinubu like the opposition candidate campaigning from the streets? Something is seriously off balance.

Advertisement

President Tinubu, please note. The Real Opposition Lives in the Market.

Tinubu’s greatest political opponent is not Peter Obi.  It is not Atiku Abubakar.

It is not social media, the NDC Party, or the ADC.  It is the ordinary Nigerian , the woman haggling for tomatoes and rice in the market, the father staring at fuel prices and school fees every single morning.  That voter is the real opposition. You cannot arrest her. You cannot suspend him. You cannot drown that frustration in press releases.

Advertisement

The electorate has a simple, unforgiving logic: when happy, they reward. When hurting, they look elsewhere. Politics is not more complicated than that.

Please don’t forget, talk is cheap. But Nigerians want evidence.

Nigerians have perfected two arts: listening carefully, and comparing what they hear with what they feel in their pockets and bellies. Government speaks of reforms. The people speak of hardship. Government talks of laying foundations. The people ask, “Foundations for how long?”  Government preaches patience. The people reply, “Na patience we don dey chop since 1999?”

Advertisement

Nobody denies that fuel subsidy removal and exchange-rate reforms were economically inevitable. Many experts agree. But economic theory does not fill plates or pay bills. Economists celebrate policy. Citizens celebrate results. No one cooks textbooks for dinner.

One interesting thing is that, the Tinubu Propaganda Department is working overtime.

Listen to some government defenders and you’ll be entertained. Instead of showcasing tangible improvements in living standards, they expend enormous energy attacking Obi, Atiku, or whoever is trending.

Advertisement

One wonders: if the report card is that impressive, why spend the entire PTA meeting discussing another student’s failures? Show us your results. Instead, the propaganda machine runs non-stop. Every criticism is labelled “political.” Every complaint is “sponsored.” Every protest is “opposition.” Every dissenting economist is “anti-government.” Every uncomfortable headline is a “conspiracy.”

Even a generator deserves time to rest.

The big question, who exactly is Tinubu afraid of? The President commands: The power of incumbency, Federal resources, Over 30 aligned governors , The National Assembly, Strategic appointments, Security agencies, and Nationwide party structures.

Advertisement

Add the vocal defenders: Bayo Onanuga, Daniel Bwala, Seyi Tinubu, Godswill Akpabio, Reno Omokri, Femi Fani-Kayode, Chief Priest, MC Oluomo, the Iyaloja network, political influencers, media allies, strategists, content creators, and even that your uncle quarrelling on WhatsApp every morning.

Yet everyone behaves as if one man with a microphone somewhere is about to topple the government. Why?

Now listen and listen very carefully. The Mirror is the Real Opposition

Advertisement

Perhaps the government is staring in the wrong direction. Peter Obi and Atiku are not the threat. Their supporters can rally, grant interviews, trend hashtags, and make videos, that is democracy. But none of them will decide Tinubu’s fate in 2027.

The real deciders are the trader in Ariaria, the mechanic in Kaduna, the teacher in Osogbo, the banker in Lagos, the farmer in Benue, the civil servant in Enugu, the unemployed graduate in Kano.

When these people begin to say, “Yes, life is genuinely getting better,” the campaign is already won. Until then, every billboard is mere decoration.

Advertisement

Do you know that even Lagos is trying to tell us something? Supporters love pointing to Tinubu’s Lagos legacy. Fair enough, the city has grown remarkably. But politics has a long and stubborn memory.

If Lagosians were completely satisfied after decades of dominance, elections there would not be growing more competitive. But they are not. That should be a loud signal.  The last presidential result in Lagos says it all.

Nigeria is thirty times more complex than Lagos. If your own political fortress is becoming contested despite years of control, perhaps the answer is not to shout louder. Perhaps it is to govern better.

Advertisement

Always remember, good governance is the Best Campaign Director. Some assume that Tinubu’s perceived political experience guarantees victory. Politics does not work that way. Experience only wins when it delivers visible outcomes.

People are not demanding perfection. They are asking for evidence, reasons to believe that tomorrow will be better than today. That is not too much to ask.

My friendly piece of advice to reflect on. Ironically, Peter Obi and Atiku Abubakar may be doing this government a greater service than some of its loudest supporters. They keep reminding it that Nigerians are watching.

Advertisement

Opposition is not the disease. It is often the thermometer. Smashing the thermometer has never cured a fever.

Mr. President still has time, more than enough.

If governance becomes more visible than propaganda… If performance begins speaking louder than spokespersons… If ordinary Nigerians start feeling genuine relief…

Advertisement

Then 2027 may prove far easier than many now fear.

But if the administration continues treating every challenge as though it wears Obi or Atiku’s face, it may one day wake up to discover its real opponent had no political party.

It was simply public opinion. And public opinion, unlike politicians, cannot be negotiated with.

Advertisement

As we say in Nigeria: “Na person wey wear shoe know where e dey pinch.”

Also read: President Tinubu Pays Glowing Tribute to Tunji Bello at 65

The people know exactly where Nigeria is pinching them. The sooner government listens to that pain instead of arguing with those describing it, the better its chances, not just at the next election, but in crafting a legacy that outlives elections.

A word, they say, is enough for the wise.

Advertisement

Continue Reading
Advertisement
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Opinion

Seven prime ministers in a decade: What Nigeria can learn from Britain’s chaos

Published

on

Prime Minister

By Dr Toju Ogbe,

The resignation of British Prime Minister Keir Starmer, less than two years after leading the Labour Party to  a landslide electoral victory, was dramatic, yet reflected a pattern we have become familiar with in recent British politics.

Advertisement

Also read: Abolish state of origin: A prerequisite for true national integration

Starmer now joins a procession of fallen prime ministers stretching back to 2016 – from David Cameron to Theresa May, Boris Johnson, Liz Truss, and Rishi Sunak.

None of these prime ministers was ousted through military intervention, popular insurrection, or a court order. Rather, each was ultimately brought down by the same political system that elevated them to electoral glory.

To the casual observer, the rapid turnover of British Prime Ministers in the last decade may appear chaotic, or even a symptom of political instability. Some argue that the British electorate has become ungovernable.

Advertisement

However, beneath the apparent chaos at Westminster lies an uncomfortable truth that African democracies would do well to examine, particularly Nigerians who wonder why our democracy has delivered so little despite almost three decades of uninterrupted civilian rule.

The turbulence of British politics over the last decade, presents an important lesson on democratic accountability beyond successful elections.

Once the prime minister is deemed a liability by their own political party, the mechanics of accountability are activated. The daggers are quietly drawn and the ruthless pressure to resign begins.

Advertisement

Every poll and survey on public opinion is closely monitored, local election results are taken as a referendum on leadership. Cabinet resignations begin to gain momentum and backbenchers get restless.

Once the news media smells an internal uprising, they amplify scrutiny of the prime minister, subjecting every move – speech, public appearance, political misstep etc to relentless examination.

Pressure gradually mounts until the prospect of bitter internal leadership challenge becomes impossible to resist. The Prime Minister falls.

Advertisement

For every British Prime Minister, winning an election is merely the beginning of examination, not the end. Political survival lasts only for as long as the prime minister maintains the confidence of his party and the parliament.

This is the muscle of British democratic accountability; a political culture that prioritises institutional survival over individual ambition. Starmer recognised this reality in his resignation speech:

“The question my party is asking now is whether I am best placed to lead us into the next general election. I have heard the answer of my parliamentary party to that question, and I accept that answer with good grace.”

Advertisement

That closing sentence alone is a masterclass in British institutional democracy. The party spoke. The leader listened. The correction comes from within.

 

Nigeria presents a strikingly different political logic.

Advertisement

Nigeria on the other hand, presents an interesting contrast with a different political logic and culture.

The notion that a governing party would overtly interrogate the performance of its own leader and engineer a transition to someone better equipped to maintain public confidence, is in most cases politically unthinkable in Nigeria.

Political parties in Nigeria do not coalesce  around ideological principles; rather, they operate more as electoral instruments organised around powerful individuals.

Advertisement

Internal dissent is often dealt with as betrayals rather than as part of healthy democratic engagement. Godfatherism and transactional loyalties shape political succession and leadership retention.

Once elected in Nigeria, there is an inherent assumption that a governor or president has a fixed two-term lease on power.

While 10 Downing Street is preparing to welcome its seventh Prime Minister in a decade, Nigeria, in contrast, has had only two democratically elected presidents during the same period – one of whom is still serving.

Advertisement

Social and economic conditions may deteriorate. Insecurity may worsen. Campaign promises may be ignored.

Public frustrations may become unbearable. Yet, incumbent governors and presidents often remain insulated from meaningful internal scrutiny and are even routinely anointed as ‘consensus’ candidate for second terms provided loyalties to godfathers, rather than the electorates are maintained.

The consequence is that loyalty, instead of performance is often rewarded at the expense of accountability.

Advertisement

This is not an argument for a revolving door at Aso Rock, as frequent leadership changes, by themselves, do not guarantee good governance.

Rather it is a case for making accountability an integral aspect of party politics in Nigeria.

Although the Nigerian presidential system provides for a fixed four-year term regardless of party confidence, political parties should however, be more than instruments for election campaigns, activated to simply retain or take over power every four years.

Advertisement

Electoral victory, should not be the ultimate goal, but the starting point of public service where democratic legitimacy must be continuously earned.

Equally important, political parties must develop the institutional maturity to honestly evaluate their own leaders. They must prioritise public interest and institutional credibility over loyalty to ‘Godfathers’.

The ultimate lesson from Westminster’s revolving door is clear: the true strength of a democratic system, lies not in the ability to produce leaders, but the capacity to effectively replace them, when they no longer command confidence.

Advertisement

Protecting failing leaders from accountability weakens democracy and political parties must ensure that no leader is more powerful than the institution.

Also read: Madugu Targets Strong WAFCON Title Defence for Super Falcons

As political parties gear up for the 2027 general elections, the political class must decide what matters more: we can continue to reward blind loyalty and endure predictable decline, or discover the courage to demand accountability from those who seek to lead us.

Advertisement
Continue Reading

Trending