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Opinion

Xenophobia: Africa must unite, not divide

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Ehi Braimah

By Ehi Braimah

 

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Amid the diplomatic tensions between Nigeria and South Africa, another Nigerian named Ibeh Chika Simon, 42, died during a South Africa Police Service (SAPS) operation in Bellville, Cape Town, in Western Cape Province on July 23.

Amid the diplomatic tensions between Nigeria and South Africa, another Nigerian named Ibeh Chika Simon, 42, died during a South Africa Police Service (SAPS) operation in Bellville, Cape Town, in Western Cape Province on July 23.

Also read: Senate Warns South Africa Over Xenophobic Attacks

Witnesses and community groups alleged he was tortured, beaten and suffocated with a plastic bag during the raid. Another Nigerian, Patrick Chuks Egwabor, was reportedly shot and injured during the same operation.

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Nigerian Consul-General in Johannesburg, Ninikanwa Okey-Uche, strongly condemned the death, and demanded a transparent, independent probe into recurring extrajudicial deaths involving security personnel.

Nigerians and other African migrants are being killed and forced to leave South Africa arising from the resurgence of xenophobic violence which, clearly, is one of the greatest moral contradictions confronting post-apartheid Africa.

Three decades after the dismantling of institutional racism, the country that inspired the world with Nelson Mandela’s message of reconciliation is witnessing repeated attacks against fellow Africans whose only “crime” is seeking opportunities to work, trade and build better lives.

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Sentiment analysis indicates that the hostility directed at African migrants in South Africa is driven by a complex mix of extreme socio-economic frustrations, political scapegoating, inequalities, historical isolation, hunger, laziness, unemployment, and viral anti-immigrant activism.

The local elections are due in November, and as South Africa prepares for the vote, political analysts and rival parties have heavily criticised Jacob Zumah’s MK Party of fueling anti-immigrant sentiments.

MK Party has been accused of weaponising public frustration over extreme unemployment, poverty and state failures to gain electoral advantage.

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Recent campaigns by the March and March Movement and Operation Dudula, which demanded that foreign African nationals leave South Africa ahead of the June 30 deadline, represents not merely an attack on migrants but a direct assault on the ideals upon which modern Africa was built.

While inflammatory rhetoric often targets Nigerians, Zimbabweans, Malawians, Mozambicans, Zambians, Ethiopians, Ghanaians, Somalis and other African nationals, it is striking that white immigrants and foreign investors rarely become the focus of such organised hostility.

This selective outrage exposes the uncomfortable reality that the problem is not immigration alone; it is Afrophobia directed against fellow Africans.

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South Africans who embrace xenophobic violence have become poor students of history. They appear to have forgotten the enormous sacrifices made by African countries during the long struggle against apartheid. Nigeria, in particular, stood firmly with South Africa when much of the world hesitated.

Successive Nigerian governments contributed financially to the liberation struggle, imposed sanctions against the apartheid regime, offered scholarships to South African students in exile and mobilised international opinion against racial oppression.

Millions of ordinary Nigerians voluntarily contributed through the Southern African Relief Fund, believing that the freedom of South Africa was the responsibility of all Africans.

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Nigeria was not alone. Zambia provided sanctuary for liberation fighters. Tanzania hosted the headquarters of liberation movements.

Mozambique, Angola, Zimbabwe, Botswana and many other African nations paid heavy economic and security costs because they stood on the side of justice.

Across the continent, African governments accepted refugees, financed resistance movements and defended South Africa’s right to freedom in international forums.

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The vision that inspired these sacrifices was much bigger than the liberation of one country. Ghana’s first President, Kwame Nkrumah, dreamed of a politically and economically united Africa capable of determining its own destiny.

Nelson Mandela similarly believed that South Africa’s freedom would remain incomplete unless the entire continent prospered in peace and solidarity.

The African Union, which succeeded the Organisation of African Unity, inherited this vision of continental integration, cooperation and free movement.

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Today, that noble dream is under serious threat.

When African migrants are hunted in townships, their businesses looted, their homes burnt and their families terrorised, Africa loses a part of its collective soul.

The victims are not statistics. They are fathers, mothers, students, traders, artisans, professionals and entrepreneurs who have invested years of hard work in building livelihoods.

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Many possess valid immigration documents; work permits or permanent residence status. Yet, legality often provides little protection when mobs take the law into their own hands.

The humanitarian consequences are heartbreaking. Families are uprooted overnight; children abandon their education, and businesses painstakingly built over many years are destroyed within hours. Savings accumulated over decades disappear in acts of arson and looting.

Many migrants return home traumatised, carrying nothing except painful memories of violence and rejection. Nigeria, Zimbabwe, Malawi, Zambia, Mozambique and several other African countries have repeatedly received distressed returnees who must begin life all over again.

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The Nigerian government has repeatedly expressed concern over the deaths of Nigerian nationals in violent attacks over the years, underscoring the urgent need for stronger protection and accountability.

Regardless of the precise number, every life lost represents a profound tragedy and a reminder that no African should die simply because he or she chose to live or work in another African country.

The economic argument often advanced by xenophobic groups is equally flawed. Foreign African entrepreneurs frequently establish businesses in communities underserved by formal retail chains, create employment for local residents, pay taxes, rent commercial property and contribute to economic activity.

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Rather than causing unemployment, many become job creators. South Africa’s unemployment crisis stems from deep structural economic challenges that cannot be solved by intimidating vulnerable migrants.

Equally troubling is the rise of hate speech that portrays African migrants as criminals responsible for every social ill. Such dangerous generalisations inflame public anger and legitimise violence.

Criminal behaviour should always be addressed through law enforcement against individuals, not through collective punishment based on nationality. The rule of law cannot coexist with mob justice.

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As African leaders prepare for the African Union Extraordinary Summit on Conflict Prevention and Resolution in Angola from August 29 – 30, xenophobia and Afrophobia deserve urgent attention.

The African Union cannot remain silent while one of its founding principles is systematically undermined.

The AU’s Agenda 2063 envisions “An Integrated, Prosperous and Peaceful Africa.” That aspiration cannot coexist with violent campaigns demanding that fellow Africans leave another African country.

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Moreover, the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights guarantees dignity, equality before the law and protection from discrimination.

The Protocol relating to the African Economic Community and the African Continental Free Trade Area equally seek to deepen regional integration by facilitating the movement of people, goods, services and investment.

Continental economic integration cannot flourish where fear and violence replace trust and cooperation.

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South Africa’s government bears the primary responsibility for protecting everyone living within its borders, irrespective of nationality.

Peaceful protests may be protected under democratic principles, but intimidation, incitement, destruction of property and mob violence are criminal acts that demand firm prosecution. Failure to hold perpetrators accountable only emboldens future attacks.

Although President Cyril Ramaphosa of South Africa sent a delegation led by Ronald Lamola, the country’s minister of International Relations and Cooperation to Abuja for diplomatic engagements over the attack on Nigerians, Ramaphosa should be told in clear terms that his government is not going far enough to solve the problem.

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There’s no way South Africa can stand alone as an island, separated from the rest of Africa and an interconnected world.

Nigeria’s President, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, should be commended for showing restraint over the provocations from South Africa that undermine decades of cordial relations between both countries.

How can a South African Minister be saying on national television that Nigeria should show them where the drug dens are?

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Governments across Africa must strengthen cooperation on migration management, documentation, intelligence sharing and employment policies. Migration is a global phenomenon that requires coordinated solutions, not xenophobia.

Political leaders, religious institutions, civil society organisations, schools and the media must actively promote tolerance and remind younger generations of the shared history that united Africa against colonialism and apartheid.

Africa’s destiny lies not in division but in unity. Kwame Nkrumah’s dream of continental integration and Nelson Mandela’s vision of reconciliation remain as relevant today as ever.

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To betray fellow Africans through xenophobia is to betray the very struggle that delivered South Africa from apartheid.

The answer to unemployment is economic reform, not hatred, and effective policing, not ethnic profiling, will address criminality.

Cyril Ramaphosa must understand that accountable governance, not scapegoating and criminalising vulnerable migrants, will reduce frustration among jobless South Africans.

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Africa cannot build a single market while destroying our common humanity.

The African Union must speak with one voice against xenophobia and Afrophobia, demand accountability for perpetrators of violence and reaffirm that every African deserves dignity, security and equal protection under the law wherever they lawfully reside on the continent.

History will judge Africa not only by how it defeated apartheid, but also by whether it refused to replace one form of intolerance with another.

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Also read: Senate Warns South Africa Over Xenophobic Attacks

Africa must unite, not divide. That is the only path to fulfilling the dreams of Kwame Nkrumah, Nelson Mandela and the founding fathers of African unity.

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Opinion

Tegbe’s 24-Hour Energy Zones and the Shift From Megawatts to Money

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Tegbe

 By Sufuyan Ojeifo,

There is a point at which a country’s electricity problem ceases to be merely an electricity problem. It becomes a problem of economic geography.

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Also read: Everton Celebrates Nigeria’s 66th Independence With Football Legends

Where can factories operate with confidence? Where can businesses plan beyond the next appearance of a generator? Where can hospitals, schools, technology companies, markets and households begin to organise their lives around the reasonable expectation that electricity will be there?

This is the thinking behind the latest initiative from the Minister of Power, Joseph Tegbe, to develop what the Federal Government calls Energy Zones – defined corridors where homes, businesses and industries could receive stable, 24-hour electricity.

The proposed zones cover the Lagos axis, the Abuja-Kaduna-Kano corridor and the Enugu-Port Harcourt corridor. Tegbe’s latest move is a meeting with selected electricity distribution companies to begin working through what it would take to make the idea real.

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At first glance, it sounds like another promise of uninterrupted electricity in a country that has heard too many such promises. However, there is something more consequential in the architecture of the proposal.

Tegbe is asking Nigerians to look at the power problem differently.

For years, the national conversation has been dominated by generation. How many megawatts are being produced? How much can the transmission grid carry? How many generating plants are working? These are important questions. But electricity does not become useful simply because it has been generated.

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It must travel. It must be received. It must be distributed. And ultimately, somebody must be able to use it. That last part has often been treated as the end of the conversation when, in reality, it is where the economic value of electricity begins.

Tegbe has put the point plainly. The constraint is not limited to generation and transmission; it also includes how much electricity can be taken up and delivered at the distribution end.

The proposed Energy Zones are intended to address precisely that gap while improving commercial demand and the revenue performance of the distribution companies.

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There is an important idea here.

Nigeria does not necessarily have to wait for every weakness in the electricity value chain to be solved simultaneously before beginning to create pockets of reliability.

A country of more than 200 million people, with enormous differences in industrial activity, population density and commercial demand, may have to proceed through carefully selected economic corridors while the wider system is repaired.

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This is not an argument for abandoning the national grid. It is an argument for making the grid more economically purposeful.

The three corridors selected by the Ministry are revealing. Lagos and its adjoining industrial axis represent perhaps the country’s most concentrated commercial and industrial demand.

The Abuja-Kaduna-Kano corridor connects the political capital with major commercial and industrial centres in the North. Enugu-Port Harcourt links important commercial, manufacturing and energy-producing communities in the South-East and South-South.

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These are not simply lines on a power map. They are lines on Nigeria’s economic map. That distinction matters.

For too long, Nigerians have experienced electricity largely as a household inconvenience. The light goes off. The generator comes on. A business buys diesel. A manufacturer factors self-generation into production costs. A hospital makes contingency arrangements.

A young entrepreneur learns, often painfully, that the real price of electricity is not what appears on the bill but what it costs to keep the business alive when the supply fails.

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A reliable electricity corridor changes that equation.

If a factory knows that a particular industrial cluster has dependable power, investment decisions begin to change.

If a commercial district can plan around predictable electricity, operating costs become easier to manage.

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If businesses can depend on supply for most of the day, generators can move from being the first line of defence to being what they were always supposed to be: backup.

This is where Tegbe’s technocratic instincts may prove significant.

His background is not that of a career power-sector operator. His professional experience has largely been in consulting, fiscal and economic reform, institutional transformation and advisory work. That background has been visible in his early approach to the ministry – diagnosis, audits, financial questions, infrastructure bottlenecks, and attempts to identify where one part of the system is preventing another from functioning properly.

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His Energy Zones proposal fits that pattern. It treats the electricity market less as a single machine waiting for one dramatic repair and more as a system of interconnected constraints that can be isolated, diagnosed and addressed.

Tegbe had already identified the three corridors as priorities for grid stabilisation, with technical audits intended to establish the condition of critical infrastructure. The latest engagement with DisCos suggests that the idea is now moving beyond technical diagnosis towards the more difficult question of how distribution will work within those corridors.

That is where the hard work begins.

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A 24-hour power zone cannot be created by a press statement. It requires generation that is available when needed, transmission capacity that can carry it, distribution infrastructure capable of receiving it, transformers and feeders that can withstand the load, metering that properly captures consumption, customers willing and able to pay, and a commercial structure in which the various participants have an incentive to keep the system working.

It also requires protection. Vandalism and energy theft do not respect administrative boundaries. Neither do faulty equipment, unpaid bills or poor collection practices. Tegbe himself has acknowledged that the sector’s problems reinforce one another. Weak collections affect the market. Market weakness affects maintenance and gas payments. Unreliable supply in turn depresses collections.

This is why the Energy Zone experiment, if it is to succeed, must be judged by more than the number of hours electricity is available.

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The real test will be whether reliability begins to produce economic consequences. Does industrial output increase? Do businesses spend less on self-generation? Does investment respond? Do DisCos collect more because customers are receiving a service they can trust? Does the government recover enough value from improved commercial activity to justify further infrastructure investment?

Those are the questions that should eventually accompany the glossy language of 24-hour power.

And there is another question that Tegbe and the Federal Government will have to confront: what happens outside the zones?

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Nigeria cannot become a collection of electrically privileged corridors surrounded by communities waiting indefinitely for their turn.

The logic of concentrating investment in high-demand areas can be defended economically, especially if the resulting commercial activity strengthens the wider electricity market.

But the strategy will ultimately have to demonstrate how successful zones become stepping stones towards broader reliability.

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That is the difference between an experiment and a system.

There is also a danger in admiring the architecture of reform from the comfort of an office.

It has to be said here that the statement issued by the minister’s media aide was long on ambition and conspicuously short on the details that matter. No timeline. No capacity targets. No specific investment figures. It is the kind of announcement that has, historically, been the precursor to nothing at all.

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So Nigerians should watch the idea with interest, but also with the healthy scepticism that comes from decades of promises about electricity.

The minister deserves a measure of credit for at least diagnosing an important part of the illness.

For once, the conversation has shifted from the head to the feet – from generation to distribution, from megawatts to money.

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At the same time, the Nigerian people have been given blueprints before. They have learned to admire the drawings while the building crumbles.

The Energy Zones remain a proposal. The government has not yet announced the detailed capacity requirements, implementation timetable or precise infrastructure investments that would make 24-hour supply possible.

That is not necessarily a fatal flaw. It may simply mean the idea is still being worked out.

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But it does mean that the language of 24-hour power should be treated as an aspiration until it is matched by the machinery of implementation.

Yet the proposal deserves attention because it reflects a potentially important shift in the way the power problem is being conceived.

Nigeria may not fix its electricity crisis in one heroic sweep. It may have to build reliability corridor by corridor, demand centre by demand centre, and economic cluster by economic cluster.

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There is nothing inherently glamorous about such work. It is engineering, finance, regulation, distribution and relentless attention to the weak link in the chain. But perhaps that is precisely the point.

The country has spent decades waiting for the great national electricity breakthrough.

Tegbe’s emerging approach suggests something less dramatic and potentially more practical: make a few economically critical parts of the system work properly, learn from them, strengthen the model, and expand it.

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The success of that approach will ultimately be measured not in speeches or megawatts, but in what Nigerians can do with the electricity when it arrives.

Does the factory run a second shift? Does the business hire more workers? Does the hospital keep its equipment running through the night? Does the young entrepreneur stop budgeting for diesel and start budgeting for growth?

Also read: Everton Celebrates Nigeria’s 66th Independence With Football Legends

That is where the real power story begins. And that is the standard against which Tegbe’s Energy Zones should ultimately be judged: not by whether 24-hour power sounds impressive in a press release, but by whether the lights stay on long enough for Nigerians to build something with them.

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