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Adversarial journalism: Rufai Oseni versus Lere Olayinka on Arise News

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journalism

 

By Ehi Braimah

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The dramatic encounter between Lere Olayinka, senior special assistant on public communication and social media to the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, and Arise News anchor Rufai Oseni on The Morning Show last Friday has generated considerable debate about journalism, the conduct of public officials and their spokespersons, and the boundaries of adversarial journalism. It was an unnecessary spectacle.

Also read: Presidency Rejects Speculation on Tinubu FBI Files

Lere Olayinka was invited to appear on the programme anchored by Dr Reuben Abati, Ayo Mairo-Ese and Rufai Oseni. Lere knew, or ought to have known, that all three anchors were part of the programme.

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He accepted the invitation and entered the Arise News Abuja studio. He answered questions from Abati and Ayo. But when it became Rufai’s turn, Lere declared that he would not answer his questions because he regarded Rufai as an “enemy” and wanted to engage only with “reasonable human beings.” That was provocative and unacceptable.

 

A spokesperson for a public official does not have the luxury of selecting which journalist is sufficiently “reasonable” to ask questions.

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Once a government spokesperson voluntarily accepts an invitation to a major television programme, he should expect difficult questions, including questions he may consider uncomfortable, hostile or unfair.

 

The proper response is to answer, challenge the premise of the question, correct the interviewer, or decline to answer a particular question for a legitimate reason.

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What he should not do is attempt to determine which of the programme’s anchors is entitled to interview him.

 

Ayo Mairo-Ese was therefore right to intervene and terminate the interview. Her point was simple: Since you are aware there are three anchors on the programme and accept the invitation, you cannot subsequently decide that one of them is an “enemy” and therefore unworthy of your answers.

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That episode should not, however, be used as an excuse to ignore the bigger issue raised by Rufai Oseni’s interviewing style.

 

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What exactly is adversarial journalism?

 

Journalism is not public relations. A journalist is not expected to make a government official, politician or corporate executive comfortable.

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Journalism’s fundamental responsibility is to seek the truth; interrogate power and provide citizens with information they need to make informed decisions. This is where adversarial journalism has an important role.

 

Adversarial journalism is essentially a style of reporting and interviewing that subjects people in positions of power to rigorous scrutiny.

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It challenges claims, tests evidence, exposes contradictions and refuses to accept official explanations at face value. In a democracy, that is necessary.

 

Indeed, some of the most memorable television interviews around the world have been produced by journalists who refused to allow powerful guests to evade difficult questions.

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They include Christianne Amanpour, Pierce Morgan, Jerry Paxman, James O’Brien, Andrew Neil, Kay Burnley, Megyn Kelly, Mehdi Hassan, Chris Wallace and Billy O’Reilly. Rufai Oseni belongs to that tradition. He is fearless and asks questions many journalists would hesitate to ask.

 

Rufai frequently challenges government officials and politicians on their claims, policies and records.

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His preparation is obvious; his knowledge is substantial and his ability to connect seemingly unrelated issues can make for compelling viewing, thereby giving The Morning Show significant ranking. That explains his enormous fans and admirers.

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But it also explains why he has become controversial. There is a thin but important line between aggressive journalism and combative journalism; between robust questioning and confrontation, and between holding power to account and becoming part of the story. That line must not be crossed.

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Rufai’s greatest strength can also become his weakness

 

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Rufai has developed a distinctive television personality. He is passionate, energetic, intellectually confident and unwilling to be intimidated.

Those qualities are assets, but television magnifies personality, and what works brilliantly on one occasion can become irritating when repeated too frequently.

 

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The journalist must remain in control of the interview without appearing to be in a contest with the guest. This is particularly important when interviewing government officials. A tough interviewer should not necessarily be an angry interviewer.

In addition, a difficult question does not have to be delivered aggressively and using the cross-examination technique can be devastatingly effective when conducted calmly.

 

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Sometimes, the most powerful television question is asked quietly. The objective is not to defeat the guest, but to extract information, expose contradictions and enable viewers to make their own judgments.

When the interviewer becomes visibly embroiled in an argument with the guest, the focus can shift from the substance of the interview to the personalities involved. That is dangerous. When the journalist becomes the news, there is a problem.

 

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Lere was wrong — but Rufai should listen

 

It is important to separate the two issues. Lere Olayinka’s behaviour should be condemned.

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His refusal to answer Rufai because he considers him an “enemy” was unprofessional. His subsequent decision to continue the confrontation on social media after leaving the studio only prolonged an unnecessary controversy. It was clearly an act of bad faith.

 

There is also no justification for repeatedly questioning Rufai’s professional competence because he studied Animal Science.

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What is wrong with studying Animal Science, or History, Mathematics, Biochemistry, Psychology, Architecture, or Law? These are examples of courses offered in Nigerian universities and other places.

 

Journalism is a profession in which people acquire expertise through formal education, professional training and experience. A person’s first degree does not, by itself, determine whether he can become a competent journalist.

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Rufai has clearly acquired considerable experience in broadcasting and journalism. But Lere’s provocation does not mean Rufai should ignore legitimate criticism of his style.

In fact, because Rufai has become such an influential media personality, he should welcome constructive criticism.

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He has built something remarkable on The Morning Show. Alongside Reuben Abati, Ayo Mairo-Ese, Adefemi Akinsanya, Vimbai Muthihirin-Ekpenyong and Ojy Okpe, he has helped create a programme with a substantial audience and a loyal following.

The anchors bring different personalities, rich perspectives, nuamces and strengths to the programme. That diversity is part of its attraction to the station’s global audience, but influence comes with responsibility.

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The danger of overreach

 

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Rufai’s admirers appreciate his fearlessness, but his critics accuse him of overreach, excessive aggression and combativeness.

In truth, both perceptions can coexist. The fact that millions enjoy his style does not automatically make every aspect of it desirable. Equally, the fact that some viewers find him abrasive does not mean he should abandon his robust approach. The answer is moderation.

 

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Rufai does not need to become a different journalist; he simply needs to refine the journalist he already is.

He should retain the probing questions, painstaking research, exceptional courage and intellectual rigour. But he can reduce the volume, the interruptions and the personal confrontations.

 

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He can challenge without appearing hostile; disagree without appearing offended, and cross-examine his guests without turning the interview into a courtroom battle.

And he can allow a guest to finish speaking even when he knows the answer is evasive. That may actually make his questions more powerful.

 

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There is a lesson here for public officials, too

 

Government spokespersons and politicians must also understand that the media environment has changed and should stop feeling entitled.

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They cannot expect sympathetic interviews simply because they are government representatives.

A journalist’s job is not to protect a government official from difficult and probing questions. Public office is held in trust for the people, and those who communicate on behalf of public officials should expect scrutiny.

 

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If a spokesperson believes an interviewer is biased, the appropriate response is to make that case publicly and professionally.

If a question is inaccurate, correct it, and if it is malicious, say so. But refusing to answer because the journalist is considered an “enemy” creates precisely the impression that the spokesperson has something to hide. It also denies viewers the opportunity to hear the government’s side of the argument.

 

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The media must remain bigger than the personalities

 

The Lere-Rufai confrontation provides an important lesson for Nigerian journalism. Television news is not theatre, even though television is undoubtedly a performance medium. The personalities of anchors matter, but journalism matters more.

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The Morning Show has become influential because it combines news, analysis, debate, interviews and entertainment.

Its anchors have built a community of viewers and, in some respects, a movement. That influence should be protected.

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Rufai should therefore not interpret calls for moderation as an attempt to silence him.

On the contrary, the most influential journalists constantly evolve and adapt to the ever-changing media landscape. There is nothing wrong with being adversarial.

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Democracy needs journalists who will challenge power, but adversarial journalism should be evidence-driven, persistent and fearless – not needlessly antagonistic.

 

The best interviewer is not necessarily the one who talks the loudest or wins the argument – it is the one who asks the question that the guest cannot escape. That is the Rufai Oseni I would like to see more often. Keep the courage, ask the difficult questions, blend facts and commentary, and continue to press for specifics.

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Rufai should keep holding power to account, but at the same time moderate his style. That is precisely what your friends – not your enemies – should constantly tell you.

As for Lere Olayinka, he should remember an equally important principle: if you accept the microphone, you must also accept the questions. Public communication is not a menu from which you select only the questions you like.

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Also read: Presidency Rejects Speculation on Tinubu FBI Files

Both journalism and public service demand accountability, and the media must hold power accountable. Journalists must also be accountable for how they exercise their power.

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Opinion

Tegbe’s 24-Hour Energy Zones and the Shift From Megawatts to Money

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Tegbe

 By Sufuyan Ojeifo,

There is a point at which a country’s electricity problem ceases to be merely an electricity problem. It becomes a problem of economic geography.

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Also read: Everton Celebrates Nigeria’s 66th Independence With Football Legends

Where can factories operate with confidence? Where can businesses plan beyond the next appearance of a generator? Where can hospitals, schools, technology companies, markets and households begin to organise their lives around the reasonable expectation that electricity will be there?

This is the thinking behind the latest initiative from the Minister of Power, Joseph Tegbe, to develop what the Federal Government calls Energy Zones – defined corridors where homes, businesses and industries could receive stable, 24-hour electricity.

The proposed zones cover the Lagos axis, the Abuja-Kaduna-Kano corridor and the Enugu-Port Harcourt corridor. Tegbe’s latest move is a meeting with selected electricity distribution companies to begin working through what it would take to make the idea real.

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At first glance, it sounds like another promise of uninterrupted electricity in a country that has heard too many such promises. However, there is something more consequential in the architecture of the proposal.

Tegbe is asking Nigerians to look at the power problem differently.

For years, the national conversation has been dominated by generation. How many megawatts are being produced? How much can the transmission grid carry? How many generating plants are working? These are important questions. But electricity does not become useful simply because it has been generated.

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It must travel. It must be received. It must be distributed. And ultimately, somebody must be able to use it. That last part has often been treated as the end of the conversation when, in reality, it is where the economic value of electricity begins.

Tegbe has put the point plainly. The constraint is not limited to generation and transmission; it also includes how much electricity can be taken up and delivered at the distribution end.

The proposed Energy Zones are intended to address precisely that gap while improving commercial demand and the revenue performance of the distribution companies.

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There is an important idea here.

Nigeria does not necessarily have to wait for every weakness in the electricity value chain to be solved simultaneously before beginning to create pockets of reliability.

A country of more than 200 million people, with enormous differences in industrial activity, population density and commercial demand, may have to proceed through carefully selected economic corridors while the wider system is repaired.

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This is not an argument for abandoning the national grid. It is an argument for making the grid more economically purposeful.

The three corridors selected by the Ministry are revealing. Lagos and its adjoining industrial axis represent perhaps the country’s most concentrated commercial and industrial demand.

The Abuja-Kaduna-Kano corridor connects the political capital with major commercial and industrial centres in the North. Enugu-Port Harcourt links important commercial, manufacturing and energy-producing communities in the South-East and South-South.

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These are not simply lines on a power map. They are lines on Nigeria’s economic map. That distinction matters.

For too long, Nigerians have experienced electricity largely as a household inconvenience. The light goes off. The generator comes on. A business buys diesel. A manufacturer factors self-generation into production costs. A hospital makes contingency arrangements.

A young entrepreneur learns, often painfully, that the real price of electricity is not what appears on the bill but what it costs to keep the business alive when the supply fails.

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A reliable electricity corridor changes that equation.

If a factory knows that a particular industrial cluster has dependable power, investment decisions begin to change.

If a commercial district can plan around predictable electricity, operating costs become easier to manage.

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If businesses can depend on supply for most of the day, generators can move from being the first line of defence to being what they were always supposed to be: backup.

This is where Tegbe’s technocratic instincts may prove significant.

His background is not that of a career power-sector operator. His professional experience has largely been in consulting, fiscal and economic reform, institutional transformation and advisory work. That background has been visible in his early approach to the ministry – diagnosis, audits, financial questions, infrastructure bottlenecks, and attempts to identify where one part of the system is preventing another from functioning properly.

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His Energy Zones proposal fits that pattern. It treats the electricity market less as a single machine waiting for one dramatic repair and more as a system of interconnected constraints that can be isolated, diagnosed and addressed.

Tegbe had already identified the three corridors as priorities for grid stabilisation, with technical audits intended to establish the condition of critical infrastructure. The latest engagement with DisCos suggests that the idea is now moving beyond technical diagnosis towards the more difficult question of how distribution will work within those corridors.

That is where the hard work begins.

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A 24-hour power zone cannot be created by a press statement. It requires generation that is available when needed, transmission capacity that can carry it, distribution infrastructure capable of receiving it, transformers and feeders that can withstand the load, metering that properly captures consumption, customers willing and able to pay, and a commercial structure in which the various participants have an incentive to keep the system working.

It also requires protection. Vandalism and energy theft do not respect administrative boundaries. Neither do faulty equipment, unpaid bills or poor collection practices. Tegbe himself has acknowledged that the sector’s problems reinforce one another. Weak collections affect the market. Market weakness affects maintenance and gas payments. Unreliable supply in turn depresses collections.

This is why the Energy Zone experiment, if it is to succeed, must be judged by more than the number of hours electricity is available.

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The real test will be whether reliability begins to produce economic consequences. Does industrial output increase? Do businesses spend less on self-generation? Does investment respond? Do DisCos collect more because customers are receiving a service they can trust? Does the government recover enough value from improved commercial activity to justify further infrastructure investment?

Those are the questions that should eventually accompany the glossy language of 24-hour power.

And there is another question that Tegbe and the Federal Government will have to confront: what happens outside the zones?

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Nigeria cannot become a collection of electrically privileged corridors surrounded by communities waiting indefinitely for their turn.

The logic of concentrating investment in high-demand areas can be defended economically, especially if the resulting commercial activity strengthens the wider electricity market.

But the strategy will ultimately have to demonstrate how successful zones become stepping stones towards broader reliability.

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That is the difference between an experiment and a system.

There is also a danger in admiring the architecture of reform from the comfort of an office.

It has to be said here that the statement issued by the minister’s media aide was long on ambition and conspicuously short on the details that matter. No timeline. No capacity targets. No specific investment figures. It is the kind of announcement that has, historically, been the precursor to nothing at all.

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So Nigerians should watch the idea with interest, but also with the healthy scepticism that comes from decades of promises about electricity.

The minister deserves a measure of credit for at least diagnosing an important part of the illness.

For once, the conversation has shifted from the head to the feet – from generation to distribution, from megawatts to money.

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At the same time, the Nigerian people have been given blueprints before. They have learned to admire the drawings while the building crumbles.

The Energy Zones remain a proposal. The government has not yet announced the detailed capacity requirements, implementation timetable or precise infrastructure investments that would make 24-hour supply possible.

That is not necessarily a fatal flaw. It may simply mean the idea is still being worked out.

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But it does mean that the language of 24-hour power should be treated as an aspiration until it is matched by the machinery of implementation.

Yet the proposal deserves attention because it reflects a potentially important shift in the way the power problem is being conceived.

Nigeria may not fix its electricity crisis in one heroic sweep. It may have to build reliability corridor by corridor, demand centre by demand centre, and economic cluster by economic cluster.

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There is nothing inherently glamorous about such work. It is engineering, finance, regulation, distribution and relentless attention to the weak link in the chain. But perhaps that is precisely the point.

The country has spent decades waiting for the great national electricity breakthrough.

Tegbe’s emerging approach suggests something less dramatic and potentially more practical: make a few economically critical parts of the system work properly, learn from them, strengthen the model, and expand it.

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The success of that approach will ultimately be measured not in speeches or megawatts, but in what Nigerians can do with the electricity when it arrives.

Does the factory run a second shift? Does the business hire more workers? Does the hospital keep its equipment running through the night? Does the young entrepreneur stop budgeting for diesel and start budgeting for growth?

Also read: Everton Celebrates Nigeria’s 66th Independence With Football Legends

That is where the real power story begins. And that is the standard against which Tegbe’s Energy Zones should ultimately be judged: not by whether 24-hour power sounds impressive in a press release, but by whether the lights stay on long enough for Nigerians to build something with them.

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