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Tasks before the new Inspector-General of Police…

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Inspector-General of Police

Disu faces tough task as Nigeria police chief, with experts urging reforms on welfare, training and public trust

By Bola BOLAWOLE

It is no longer news that Kayode Egbetokun has ceased to be Nigeria’s topmost police officer; the new sheriff in town, as it were, is Olatunji Disu. The change of batons took place less than a month ago.

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Also Read: RENO OMOKRI & FEMI FANI-KAYODE: A TALE OF TWO SHAMELESS FRIENDS…

It was a case of one “family member” handing over to another “family member”. Both Egbetokun and Disu had served, respectively, as President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Chief Security Officer (CSO) and Aide-de-Camp (ADC) while Tinubu held sway as governor in Lagos state.

Apart from the two not being strangers to Tinubu and vice-versa, both officers were also not strangers to each other. Could that account for why Disu revived the moribund pull-out parade tradition for Egbetokun, allowing his predecessor to quit service in a blaze of glory? While some said yes, others countered that it was simply a measure of Disu’s magnanimity and his resolve to put the past behind him and face up squarely to the task at hand. That task is our beef here today.

To do justice to this is no less a personality than Professor Babafemi Badejo, who is not a stranger to this column. A professor of Political Science, lawyer, diplomat, author and activist in his own right, Badejo’s intervention is titled “Federal and Preferential Character and Political appointments in Nigeria”. Enjoy it! I will return to make some concluding remarks:

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“I have observed the career of Rilwan Olatunji Disu for some time, and his emergence as the Inspector-General of Police on February 25, 2026 did not come as a surprise to me.

My analysis centres on Disu’s remarkable growth in broad academic knowledge across various important areas. These developments are crucial for transforming the Nigerian Police Force into the service it aspires to be, rather than the one it currently represents.

“No doubt, one of the greatest deceptions is telling Nigerians that the police are their friends. Such a lie is not solely the fault of the police, though. Why would anyone want to be friends in Nigeria, a country where the police are poorly paid and many politicians are worse than armed robbers? It’s a dog-eat-dog world!

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“I am not the one calling Nigerian politicians ‘barau’. Many surveys, including the one I conducted in 2024 that had almost 1500 Nigerian participants across all the six geopolitical zones, as well as the efforts of the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC), the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), and daily news reports suggest that corruption, manifesting as thievery of the national patrimony, is the in-thing for Nigerian politicians.

“So, can the new IGP solve the problem caused by politicians who make police extort the citizenry at every opportunity? What can he do to substantially improve on the low police-citizen relationship when politicians are not allocating funds for such a necessity? I wish he could make a difference on improving the state of our policing using enhanced budgetary allocation but I hastily state that such a task is beyond any IGP. As such, Nigeria will continue to be ravaged by systemic corruption at all levels of the polity.

“Tunji Disu was picked as IGP (from) a pool of AIGs and DIGs. The fact that the 1999 Nigerian Constitution, as amended, confirms that selection has consequences. One consequence is that the President gets to pick who serves in several offices, including professional ones like the armed forces.

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He tries to balance “Federal Character”, the clearly discriminatory and anti-merit qua merit aspect of the Nigerian Constitution, as best as he could. (But) who would have the opportunity of picking the Chief Cop among several qualified officers and would miss a well-rounded officer who had been very instrumental in building a clear security-aiding institution in Lagos?

“The role of trust, a major component of preference, is also a very critical factor. It is public knowledge that the new IGP was ADC to the president when the latter was governor in Lagos.

The bond between ADC and boss tends to be very strong. Little wonder that the erstwhile ADC succeeded the erstwhile CSO to the same president.

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For sure, we can change the Nigerian Constitution and remove federal character (as I would want) as well as preferential character.

“I am on record as having fought the federal character principle up to the Supreme Court as it unjustly discriminated against my daughter. The apex court refused to pronounce on the substance of the case and the 3-2 majority position offered no remedy to a wrong the highest court recognised. My position has not changed on this issue since 1988.

“Nonetheless… the attempt to ethnicise the appointment of Tunji Disu through concocted stories is condemnable… A look at the list of Deputy Inspectors-General of Police (DIGs) who were in line for consideration clearly shows that the appointment was not about where someone came from.

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Why would those writing the ethnicised accounts conclude that it could only have been only one person when the pool of senior officers included several qualified individuals from various backgrounds?

“The list of senior DIGs includes: DIG Dankwara Adamu Mohammed (Adamawa State): Joined the force on May 18, 1992, promoted to DIG in 2025; due for retirement on October 1, 2026; DIG Adebola Ayinde Hamzat (Kwara State): Joined May 18, 1992; promoted to DIG in 2025. He is due for retirement on November 3, 2026; DIG Sadiq Idris Abubakar (Kano State): Joined May 18, 1992, promoted in March 2025; due for retirement on November 20, 2026; DIG Mohammed Usaini Gumel (Jigawa State): Joined May 18, 1992, promoted in December 2025; due for retirement on November 5, 2026; DIG Bzigu Yakubu Kwazhi (Adamawa State): Joined May 18, 1992, promoted in March 2025; due for retirement on April 10, 2027; DIG Frank Mba (Enugu State): Joined May 18, 1992, appointed DIG in June 2023; due for retirement on May 18, 2027; DIG Idegwu Basil Okuoma (Bayelsa State): Joined May 17, 1992, appointed DIG in 2025. He is expected to retire on May 18, 2027; DIG Funsho Adegboye (Osun State): Appointed DIG in January 2026; and DIG Fayoade Adegoke (Ogun State): Appointed DIG in February 2026.3.17…

“Importantly, no one has said these officers must necessarily and forcibly retire. In a recent development that further underscores the president’s prerogative and the need for a stable force, it was reported that the speculated mass firing of over 30 DIGs and AIGs following Disu’s takeover has been stopped.

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This move suggests a desire for a more measured transition rather than a disruptive overhaul, giving the new IGP a degree of operational stability in his new role…

“What Nigeria needs today is a well-rounded Chief Cop capable of addressing the insecurity problems facing the nation. I do not want to engage on the several speculations as to why Ẹgbẹtokun resigned for “family reasons”… For me, both the president and Egbetokun played the “good cop, bad cop” situation or else, the president would have demanded his resignation the very day he gave the anti-State Police speech that Bola Bolawole had referred to in his column.

“Ẹgbẹtokun has had his time. I do not know what I can refer to as his legacy!

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“I do hope, though, that IGP Tunji Disu would leave legacies. In advising the new IGP, one must look at data as well as the low-hanging fruits. A survey I conducted on Nigeria’s Corruption Perception with over 1,500 Nigerian respondents showed that a significant majority (1,218 Nigerians) were aware of the Nigerian Police Force (NPF) as an anti-corruption agency.

This data reveals a crucial paradox: while the public sees the police as part of the corruption problem, they also place a high expectation on it to be part of the solution. This is a heavy burden for the new IGP.

“To begin to address this crucial issue of corruption and start to build a more effective force, the IGP should prioritize a living wage and welfare package for junior police officers.

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The greatest enabler of corruption at the lower levels is poor remuneration. Championing a genuine living wage for constables and inspectors would be the single most effective step towards curbing the routine extortion of members of the public that tarnishes the force’s image.

Next is investment in capacity-building, training, and re-training. A confident, well-trained officer is less likely to resort to intimidation and extortion.

Modernizing the training curriculum to focus on community policing, human rights, and modern investigative techniques is essential.

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“The police must also enhance its investigative capabilities: The NPF’s reputation is severely damaged by poor investigation, leading to incessant miscarriage of justice. Strengthening the Forensic Department, especially incorporating modern AI capabilities, and the CID with modern equipment and specialized training will yield quick wins in public trust. Also, rewarding merit and competence is essential. While federal character is a constitutional reality, the IGP can ensure that postings and promotions within the force, as much as possible, reward demonstrated competence and hard work, thereby boosting morale…”

Well said! May I add that the first thing that puts me off with the average Nigerian policeman is his shabby dressing. As you dress, so you are addressed.

Next is their general comportment. Only last Monday in a banking hall, one fully kitted policeman jumped a queue and was challenged by another customer.

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Also read: RENO OMOKRI & FEMI FANI-KAYODE: A TALE OF TWO SHAMELESS FRIENDS…

The irate policeman was ready to go into physical combat there and then! Finally, will the new IGP do something about the eyesore that police barracks have become all over the place! I live near one in Agege, Lagos. Oh my!

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Opinion

Tegbe’s 24-Hour Energy Zones and the Shift From Megawatts to Money

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Tegbe

 By Sufuyan Ojeifo,

There is a point at which a country’s electricity problem ceases to be merely an electricity problem. It becomes a problem of economic geography.

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Also read: Everton Celebrates Nigeria’s 66th Independence With Football Legends

Where can factories operate with confidence? Where can businesses plan beyond the next appearance of a generator? Where can hospitals, schools, technology companies, markets and households begin to organise their lives around the reasonable expectation that electricity will be there?

This is the thinking behind the latest initiative from the Minister of Power, Joseph Tegbe, to develop what the Federal Government calls Energy Zones – defined corridors where homes, businesses and industries could receive stable, 24-hour electricity.

The proposed zones cover the Lagos axis, the Abuja-Kaduna-Kano corridor and the Enugu-Port Harcourt corridor. Tegbe’s latest move is a meeting with selected electricity distribution companies to begin working through what it would take to make the idea real.

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At first glance, it sounds like another promise of uninterrupted electricity in a country that has heard too many such promises. However, there is something more consequential in the architecture of the proposal.

Tegbe is asking Nigerians to look at the power problem differently.

For years, the national conversation has been dominated by generation. How many megawatts are being produced? How much can the transmission grid carry? How many generating plants are working? These are important questions. But electricity does not become useful simply because it has been generated.

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It must travel. It must be received. It must be distributed. And ultimately, somebody must be able to use it. That last part has often been treated as the end of the conversation when, in reality, it is where the economic value of electricity begins.

Tegbe has put the point plainly. The constraint is not limited to generation and transmission; it also includes how much electricity can be taken up and delivered at the distribution end.

The proposed Energy Zones are intended to address precisely that gap while improving commercial demand and the revenue performance of the distribution companies.

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There is an important idea here.

Nigeria does not necessarily have to wait for every weakness in the electricity value chain to be solved simultaneously before beginning to create pockets of reliability.

A country of more than 200 million people, with enormous differences in industrial activity, population density and commercial demand, may have to proceed through carefully selected economic corridors while the wider system is repaired.

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This is not an argument for abandoning the national grid. It is an argument for making the grid more economically purposeful.

The three corridors selected by the Ministry are revealing. Lagos and its adjoining industrial axis represent perhaps the country’s most concentrated commercial and industrial demand.

The Abuja-Kaduna-Kano corridor connects the political capital with major commercial and industrial centres in the North. Enugu-Port Harcourt links important commercial, manufacturing and energy-producing communities in the South-East and South-South.

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These are not simply lines on a power map. They are lines on Nigeria’s economic map. That distinction matters.

For too long, Nigerians have experienced electricity largely as a household inconvenience. The light goes off. The generator comes on. A business buys diesel. A manufacturer factors self-generation into production costs. A hospital makes contingency arrangements.

A young entrepreneur learns, often painfully, that the real price of electricity is not what appears on the bill but what it costs to keep the business alive when the supply fails.

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A reliable electricity corridor changes that equation.

If a factory knows that a particular industrial cluster has dependable power, investment decisions begin to change.

If a commercial district can plan around predictable electricity, operating costs become easier to manage.

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If businesses can depend on supply for most of the day, generators can move from being the first line of defence to being what they were always supposed to be: backup.

This is where Tegbe’s technocratic instincts may prove significant.

His background is not that of a career power-sector operator. His professional experience has largely been in consulting, fiscal and economic reform, institutional transformation and advisory work. That background has been visible in his early approach to the ministry – diagnosis, audits, financial questions, infrastructure bottlenecks, and attempts to identify where one part of the system is preventing another from functioning properly.

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His Energy Zones proposal fits that pattern. It treats the electricity market less as a single machine waiting for one dramatic repair and more as a system of interconnected constraints that can be isolated, diagnosed and addressed.

Tegbe had already identified the three corridors as priorities for grid stabilisation, with technical audits intended to establish the condition of critical infrastructure. The latest engagement with DisCos suggests that the idea is now moving beyond technical diagnosis towards the more difficult question of how distribution will work within those corridors.

That is where the hard work begins.

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A 24-hour power zone cannot be created by a press statement. It requires generation that is available when needed, transmission capacity that can carry it, distribution infrastructure capable of receiving it, transformers and feeders that can withstand the load, metering that properly captures consumption, customers willing and able to pay, and a commercial structure in which the various participants have an incentive to keep the system working.

It also requires protection. Vandalism and energy theft do not respect administrative boundaries. Neither do faulty equipment, unpaid bills or poor collection practices. Tegbe himself has acknowledged that the sector’s problems reinforce one another. Weak collections affect the market. Market weakness affects maintenance and gas payments. Unreliable supply in turn depresses collections.

This is why the Energy Zone experiment, if it is to succeed, must be judged by more than the number of hours electricity is available.

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The real test will be whether reliability begins to produce economic consequences. Does industrial output increase? Do businesses spend less on self-generation? Does investment respond? Do DisCos collect more because customers are receiving a service they can trust? Does the government recover enough value from improved commercial activity to justify further infrastructure investment?

Those are the questions that should eventually accompany the glossy language of 24-hour power.

And there is another question that Tegbe and the Federal Government will have to confront: what happens outside the zones?

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Nigeria cannot become a collection of electrically privileged corridors surrounded by communities waiting indefinitely for their turn.

The logic of concentrating investment in high-demand areas can be defended economically, especially if the resulting commercial activity strengthens the wider electricity market.

But the strategy will ultimately have to demonstrate how successful zones become stepping stones towards broader reliability.

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That is the difference between an experiment and a system.

There is also a danger in admiring the architecture of reform from the comfort of an office.

It has to be said here that the statement issued by the minister’s media aide was long on ambition and conspicuously short on the details that matter. No timeline. No capacity targets. No specific investment figures. It is the kind of announcement that has, historically, been the precursor to nothing at all.

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So Nigerians should watch the idea with interest, but also with the healthy scepticism that comes from decades of promises about electricity.

The minister deserves a measure of credit for at least diagnosing an important part of the illness.

For once, the conversation has shifted from the head to the feet – from generation to distribution, from megawatts to money.

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At the same time, the Nigerian people have been given blueprints before. They have learned to admire the drawings while the building crumbles.

The Energy Zones remain a proposal. The government has not yet announced the detailed capacity requirements, implementation timetable or precise infrastructure investments that would make 24-hour supply possible.

That is not necessarily a fatal flaw. It may simply mean the idea is still being worked out.

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But it does mean that the language of 24-hour power should be treated as an aspiration until it is matched by the machinery of implementation.

Yet the proposal deserves attention because it reflects a potentially important shift in the way the power problem is being conceived.

Nigeria may not fix its electricity crisis in one heroic sweep. It may have to build reliability corridor by corridor, demand centre by demand centre, and economic cluster by economic cluster.

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There is nothing inherently glamorous about such work. It is engineering, finance, regulation, distribution and relentless attention to the weak link in the chain. But perhaps that is precisely the point.

The country has spent decades waiting for the great national electricity breakthrough.

Tegbe’s emerging approach suggests something less dramatic and potentially more practical: make a few economically critical parts of the system work properly, learn from them, strengthen the model, and expand it.

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The success of that approach will ultimately be measured not in speeches or megawatts, but in what Nigerians can do with the electricity when it arrives.

Does the factory run a second shift? Does the business hire more workers? Does the hospital keep its equipment running through the night? Does the young entrepreneur stop budgeting for diesel and start budgeting for growth?

Also read: Everton Celebrates Nigeria’s 66th Independence With Football Legends

That is where the real power story begins. And that is the standard against which Tegbe’s Energy Zones should ultimately be judged: not by whether 24-hour power sounds impressive in a press release, but by whether the lights stay on long enough for Nigerians to build something with them.

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