Opinion

Tasks before the new Inspector-General of Police…

Published

4 months ago

March 19, 2026

Chigozin Obinna

Disu faces tough task as Nigeria police chief, with experts urging reforms on welfare, training and public trust

By Bola BOLAWOLE

It is no longer news that Kayode Egbetokun has ceased to be Nigeria’s topmost police officer; the new sheriff in town, as it were, is Olatunji Disu. The change of batons took place less than a month ago.

Also Read: RENO OMOKRI & FEMI FANI-KAYODE: A TALE OF TWO SHAMELESS FRIENDS…

It was a case of one “family member” handing over to another “family member”. Both Egbetokun and Disu had served, respectively, as President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Chief Security Officer (CSO) and Aide-de-Camp (ADC) while Tinubu held sway as governor in Lagos state.

Apart from the two not being strangers to Tinubu and vice-versa, both officers were also not strangers to each other. Could that account for why Disu revived the moribund pull-out parade tradition for Egbetokun, allowing his predecessor to quit service in a blaze of glory? While some said yes, others countered that it was simply a measure of Disu’s magnanimity and his resolve to put the past behind him and face up squarely to the task at hand. That task is our beef here today.

To do justice to this is no less a personality than Professor Babafemi Badejo, who is not a stranger to this column. A professor of Political Science, lawyer, diplomat, author and activist in his own right, Badejo’s intervention is titled “Federal and Preferential Character and Political appointments in Nigeria”. Enjoy it! I will return to make some concluding remarks:

“I have observed the career of Rilwan Olatunji Disu for some time, and his emergence as the Inspector-General of Police on February 25, 2026 did not come as a surprise to me.

My analysis centres on Disu’s remarkable growth in broad academic knowledge across various important areas. These developments are crucial for transforming the Nigerian Police Force into the service it aspires to be, rather than the one it currently represents.

“No doubt, one of the greatest deceptions is telling Nigerians that the police are their friends. Such a lie is not solely the fault of the police, though. Why would anyone want to be friends in Nigeria, a country where the police are poorly paid and many politicians are worse than armed robbers? It’s a dog-eat-dog world!

“I am not the one calling Nigerian politicians ‘barau’. Many surveys, including the one I conducted in 2024 that had almost 1500 Nigerian participants across all the six geopolitical zones, as well as the efforts of the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC), the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), and daily news reports suggest that corruption, manifesting as thievery of the national patrimony, is the in-thing for Nigerian politicians.

“So, can the new IGP solve the problem caused by politicians who make police extort the citizenry at every opportunity? What can he do to substantially improve on the low police-citizen relationship when politicians are not allocating funds for such a necessity? I wish he could make a difference on improving the state of our policing using enhanced budgetary allocation but I hastily state that such a task is beyond any IGP. As such, Nigeria will continue to be ravaged by systemic corruption at all levels of the polity.

“Tunji Disu was picked as IGP (from) a pool of AIGs and DIGs. The fact that the 1999 Nigerian Constitution, as amended, confirms that selection has consequences. One consequence is that the President gets to pick who serves in several offices, including professional ones like the armed forces.

He tries to balance “Federal Character”, the clearly discriminatory and anti-merit qua merit aspect of the Nigerian Constitution, as best as he could. (But) who would have the opportunity of picking the Chief Cop among several qualified officers and would miss a well-rounded officer who had been very instrumental in building a clear security-aiding institution in Lagos?

“The role of trust, a major component of preference, is also a very critical factor. It is public knowledge that the new IGP was ADC to the president when the latter was governor in Lagos.

The bond between ADC and boss tends to be very strong. Little wonder that the erstwhile ADC succeeded the erstwhile CSO to the same president.

For sure, we can change the Nigerian Constitution and remove federal character (as I would want) as well as preferential character.

“I am on record as having fought the federal character principle up to the Supreme Court as it unjustly discriminated against my daughter. The apex court refused to pronounce on the substance of the case and the 3-2 majority position offered no remedy to a wrong the highest court recognised. My position has not changed on this issue since 1988.

“Nonetheless… the attempt to ethnicise the appointment of Tunji Disu through concocted stories is condemnable… A look at the list of Deputy Inspectors-General of Police (DIGs) who were in line for consideration clearly shows that the appointment was not about where someone came from.

Why would those writing the ethnicised accounts conclude that it could only have been only one person when the pool of senior officers included several qualified individuals from various backgrounds?

“The list of senior DIGs includes: DIG Dankwara Adamu Mohammed (Adamawa State): Joined the force on May 18, 1992, promoted to DIG in 2025; due for retirement on October 1, 2026; DIG Adebola Ayinde Hamzat (Kwara State): Joined May 18, 1992; promoted to DIG in 2025. He is due for retirement on November 3, 2026; DIG Sadiq Idris Abubakar (Kano State): Joined May 18, 1992, promoted in March 2025; due for retirement on November 20, 2026; DIG Mohammed Usaini Gumel (Jigawa State): Joined May 18, 1992, promoted in December 2025; due for retirement on November 5, 2026; DIG Bzigu Yakubu Kwazhi (Adamawa State): Joined May 18, 1992, promoted in March 2025; due for retirement on April 10, 2027; DIG Frank Mba (Enugu State): Joined May 18, 1992, appointed DIG in June 2023; due for retirement on May 18, 2027; DIG Idegwu Basil Okuoma (Bayelsa State): Joined May 17, 1992, appointed DIG in 2025. He is expected to retire on May 18, 2027; DIG Funsho Adegboye (Osun State): Appointed DIG in January 2026; and DIG Fayoade Adegoke (Ogun State): Appointed DIG in February 2026.3.17…

“Importantly, no one has said these officers must necessarily and forcibly retire. In a recent development that further underscores the president’s prerogative and the need for a stable force, it was reported that the speculated mass firing of over 30 DIGs and AIGs following Disu’s takeover has been stopped.

This move suggests a desire for a more measured transition rather than a disruptive overhaul, giving the new IGP a degree of operational stability in his new role…

“What Nigeria needs today is a well-rounded Chief Cop capable of addressing the insecurity problems facing the nation. I do not want to engage on the several speculations as to why Ẹgbẹtokun resigned for “family reasons”… For me, both the president and Egbetokun played the “good cop, bad cop” situation or else, the president would have demanded his resignation the very day he gave the anti-State Police speech that Bola Bolawole had referred to in his column.

“Ẹgbẹtokun has had his time. I do not know what I can refer to as his legacy!

“I do hope, though, that IGP Tunji Disu would leave legacies. In advising the new IGP, one must look at data as well as the low-hanging fruits. A survey I conducted on Nigeria’s Corruption Perception with over 1,500 Nigerian respondents showed that a significant majority (1,218 Nigerians) were aware of the Nigerian Police Force (NPF) as an anti-corruption agency.

This data reveals a crucial paradox: while the public sees the police as part of the corruption problem, they also place a high expectation on it to be part of the solution. This is a heavy burden for the new IGP.

“To begin to address this crucial issue of corruption and start to build a more effective force, the IGP should prioritize a living wage and welfare package for junior police officers.

The greatest enabler of corruption at the lower levels is poor remuneration. Championing a genuine living wage for constables and inspectors would be the single most effective step towards curbing the routine extortion of members of the public that tarnishes the force’s image.

Next is investment in capacity-building, training, and re-training. A confident, well-trained officer is less likely to resort to intimidation and extortion.

Modernizing the training curriculum to focus on community policing, human rights, and modern investigative techniques is essential.

“The police must also enhance its investigative capabilities: The NPF’s reputation is severely damaged by poor investigation, leading to incessant miscarriage of justice. Strengthening the Forensic Department, especially incorporating modern AI capabilities, and the CID with modern equipment and specialized training will yield quick wins in public trust. Also, rewarding merit and competence is essential. While federal character is a constitutional reality, the IGP can ensure that postings and promotions within the force, as much as possible, reward demonstrated competence and hard work, thereby boosting morale…”

Well said! May I add that the first thing that puts me off with the average Nigerian policeman is his shabby dressing. As you dress, so you are addressed.

Next is their general comportment. Only last Monday in a banking hall, one fully kitted policeman jumped a queue and was challenged by another customer.

Also read: RENO OMOKRI & FEMI FANI-KAYODE: A TALE OF TWO SHAMELESS FRIENDS…

The irate policeman was ready to go into physical combat there and then! Finally, will the new IGP do something about the eyesore that police barracks have become all over the place! I live near one in Agege, Lagos. Oh my!

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Opinion

Seven prime ministers in a decade: What Nigeria can learn from Britain’s chaos

Published

5 days ago

July 2, 2026

Mariam Balogun

By Dr Toju Ogbe,

The resignation of British Prime Minister Keir Starmer, less than two years after leading the Labour Party to a landslide electoral victory, was dramatic, yet reflected a pattern we have become familiar with in recent British politics.

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Starmer now joins a procession of fallen prime ministers stretching back to 2016 – from David Cameron to Theresa May, Boris Johnson, Liz Truss, and Rishi Sunak.

None of these prime ministers was ousted through military intervention, popular insurrection, or a court order. Rather, each was ultimately brought down by the same political system that elevated them to electoral glory.

To the casual observer, the rapid turnover of British Prime Ministers in the last decade may appear chaotic, or even a symptom of political instability. Some argue that the British electorate has become ungovernable.

However, beneath the apparent chaos at Westminster lies an uncomfortable truth that African democracies would do well to examine, particularly Nigerians who wonder why our democracy has delivered so little despite almost three decades of uninterrupted civilian rule.

The turbulence of British politics over the last decade, presents an important lesson on democratic accountability beyond successful elections.

Once the prime minister is deemed a liability by their own political party, the mechanics of accountability are activated. The daggers are quietly drawn and the ruthless pressure to resign begins.

Every poll and survey on public opinion is closely monitored, local election results are taken as a referendum on leadership. Cabinet resignations begin to gain momentum and backbenchers get restless.

Once the news media smells an internal uprising, they amplify scrutiny of the prime minister, subjecting every move – speech, public appearance, political misstep etc to relentless examination.

Pressure gradually mounts until the prospect of bitter internal leadership challenge becomes impossible to resist. The Prime Minister falls.

For every British Prime Minister, winning an election is merely the beginning of examination, not the end. Political survival lasts only for as long as the prime minister maintains the confidence of his party and the parliament.

This is the muscle of British democratic accountability; a political culture that prioritises institutional survival over individual ambition. Starmer recognised this reality in his resignation speech:

“The question my party is asking now is whether I am best placed to lead us into the next general election. I have heard the answer of my parliamentary party to that question, and I accept that answer with good grace.”

That closing sentence alone is a masterclass in British institutional democracy. The party spoke. The leader listened. The correction comes from within.

Nigeria presents a strikingly different political logic.

Nigeria on the other hand, presents an interesting contrast with a different political logic and culture.

The notion that a governing party would overtly interrogate the performance of its own leader and engineer a transition to someone better equipped to maintain public confidence, is in most cases politically unthinkable in Nigeria.

Political parties in Nigeria do not coalesce around ideological principles; rather, they operate more as electoral instruments organised around powerful individuals.

Internal dissent is often dealt with as betrayals rather than as part of healthy democratic engagement. Godfatherism and transactional loyalties shape political succession and leadership retention.

Once elected in Nigeria, there is an inherent assumption that a governor or president has a fixed two-term lease on power.

While 10 Downing Street is preparing to welcome its seventh Prime Minister in a decade, Nigeria, in contrast, has had only two democratically elected presidents during the same period – one of whom is still serving.

Social and economic conditions may deteriorate. Insecurity may worsen. Campaign promises may be ignored.

Public frustrations may become unbearable. Yet, incumbent governors and presidents often remain insulated from meaningful internal scrutiny and are even routinely anointed as ‘consensus’ candidate for second terms provided loyalties to godfathers, rather than the electorates are maintained.

The consequence is that loyalty, instead of performance is often rewarded at the expense of accountability.

This is not an argument for a revolving door at Aso Rock, as frequent leadership changes, by themselves, do not guarantee good governance.

Rather it is a case for making accountability an integral aspect of party politics in Nigeria.

Although the Nigerian presidential system provides for a fixed four-year term regardless of party confidence, political parties should however, be more than instruments for election campaigns, activated to simply retain or take over power every four years.

Electoral victory, should not be the ultimate goal, but the starting point of public service where democratic legitimacy must be continuously earned.

Equally important, political parties must develop the institutional maturity to honestly evaluate their own leaders. They must prioritise public interest and institutional credibility over loyalty to ‘Godfathers’.

The ultimate lesson from Westminster’s revolving door is clear: the true strength of a democratic system, lies not in the ability to produce leaders, but the capacity to effectively replace them, when they no longer command confidence.

Protecting failing leaders from accountability weakens democracy and political parties must ensure that no leader is more powerful than the institution.

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As political parties gear up for the 2027 general elections, the political class must decide what matters more: we can continue to reward blind loyalty and endure predictable decline, or discover the courage to demand accountability from those who seek to lead us.