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Swahili: The Rise Of An African World Language

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Swahili

Swahili African world language has grown from coastal roots into a Pan-African voice through trade, policy, media, and youth culture across the continent

In 1995, I won a scholarship to study Swahili at the Institute of Swahili and Foreign Languages in Zanzibar, Tanzania.

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I had crammed for two months before the qualifying exam, trying to catch up with African Studies students who had been studying Swahili for two years.

I couldn’t utter a single coherent sentence, but I knew all the nominal classes and verbal extensions by heart.

It got me through.

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I stayed with the family of Bi Faiza in Michenzani, Zanzibar, a household consisting of Bi Faiza and her three daughters. She welcomed me as her son, and so, my journey of learning began.

I was captivated by Swahili’s elegant structure: nouns that agree with verbs according to semantic class and number as in m-zee a-me-anguka chini ‘the old man has fallen down’ vs m-ti u-me-anguka chini ‘the tree has fallen down’; the many ways to create new words through regular patterns as in kuandika ‘write’, kuandikia ‘write to someone’, kuandikisha ‘make somebody write’, kuandikwa ‘be written’, kuandikiana ‘write to each other’, mwandishi ‘writer’, maandishi ‘text’, mwandiko ‘handwriting’; the readily available technical vocabulary, including in my field of linguistics. I was fascinated by its rich literature and oraliture, and by the vibrant intellectual and academic life surrounding the language.

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Zanzibar: course in Swahili.
Swahili was strikingly different from Ewe, my Ghanaian heritage language, which favours short, single words, has a tone system, and complex ways of forming words from smaller ones that pop up in unexpected places.

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I understood why standardized Swahili is so popular among European, learners. In aspects like word formation, diction and written expression, it bore a striking resemblance with the European standard languages I spoke.

Zanzibar Swahili, or Kiunguja, is considered the most prestigious of the East Coast varieties, and is the basis of Kiswahili Sanifu ‘Standard Swahili’.

Colonial administrations, looking for efficient ways to rule and exploit diverse populations, picked and promoted certain African languages over others, speeding up their spread.

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European colonial linguists and missionaries engineered standardized Swahili, while crucial African contributions were written out of history.

Hierarchies of prestige and “correctness” have therefore emerged, mirroring power dynamics found in European languages.

Many Kenyans, for instance, think that the urban dialects they speak are “bad Swahili” compared to the coastal ones closer to the standard.

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With time, I learnt to love the incredible diversity of Swahili, ranging from the bookish variety I’d learned to the ones spoken in Nairobi, the streets of Dar es Salaam, and Kampala.

At a conference in Gran Canaria, I got to know a Brother from Lubumbashi and discovered new possibilities.

His Swahili was tonal, not stress-based. It had noun classes and auxiliaries that I hadn’t heard before, lots of French words, and a sprinkling of Lingala.

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This was still recognizably Swahili, yet beautifully different from the standardized dialect that I had learnt.

Swahili as an African world language
Swahili has a long documented history.

Linguists estimate that it emerged around the 7th century as a distinct variety among the Bantu languages of the littoral zone of Kenya, developing within the maritime culture of the coastal peoples of the region.

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It is closely related to the Mijikenda languages of Kenya, and the languages of the Comoro Islands.

Over the next two to three hundred years, the enterprising, mercantile, and maritime Swahili forged a common identity and carried their language all the way down the coast into northern Mozambique.

Swahili explorers, merchants, sailors, fisherfolk, and farmers founded settlements along the coast and acculturated resident populations into their cosmopolitan culture characterized by city-states and the gradual adoption of Islam, thus integrating the Swahili into the Indian Ocean world uniting East Africa, the Arabian Peninsula, Persia, India, Sri Lanka, and Southeast Asia.

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Historical records indicate the presence of Swahili ships in Cambay, India, and Malacca, Malaysia, in the 16th century.

Swahili city-states served as entrepôts for trade with central African states like Mutapa in present-day Zimbabwe.

Like shrewd capitalists everywhere in the world, Swahili merchants reaped handsome profits from their position as intermediaries.

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Much of this wealth was pumped into the arts, poetry, literature in Ajami, fashion, imported luxury goods from China and India, and the beautification of cities.

In the course of these developments, Swahili became an international language of trade, stretching all along the east coast of Africa into the southern parts of the Arabian Peninsula.

Conversely, relations with Arabs, Indians, Chinese, and Malagasy merchants provided an infusion of new vocabulary and cultural elements.

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This is evident in words like duka ‘shop’ from Hindi and Arabic-sourced numerals like sita ‘six’, saba ‘seven’, and tisa ‘nine’.

Malagasy influence has been posited for nautical terms like sambo ‘ship’, shapa ‘raft’, utari ‘(ship) rope’.

Swahili architecture, cuisine, and dress integrate East African, southern Arabic, and Indian styles to a beautiful, balanced whole.

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Swahili is an emblem of African modernity and Pan-African aspirations. It serves as a genuine medium of self-expression and identity for the peoples of East and Central Africa – and it feeds the mouth that speaks it.

This golden age was brutally interrupted when the Portuguese entered the Indian Ocean, destroying the delicate balance of trading interests among the Indian Ocean peoples.

After sailing around the southern tip of Africa in 1497, the Portuguese mass murderer Vasco da Gama bombarded the Swahili cities he came upon for Portugal’s colonial project: seizing Indian Ocean trade for themselves.

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The Portuguese had no sophisticated trade goods to offer, and hence the only way to insert themselves into this network was through brute force.

This ushered in the slow decline of the Swahili states, with a gradual takeover by the Portuguese, and later, the Omani Arabs, who both intensified human enslavement and elephant slaughter in the region, both heavily funded by Indian merchants.

With the colonial invasions and exactions of the British, Germans, and Belgians, violence, genocide and exploitation of Africans were driven to new heights, causing immense human suffering in the 19th and 20th centuries.

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These developments also spread Swahili far inland up to eastern Congo as populations rushed to speak it in order to survive, trade, and acquire it as an emblem of power.

Swahili culture, with its openness and cosmopolitanism, overcame its chequered past and rose to become an important reference point in the nation-building ideologies of present-day Kenya, Tanzania, and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Swahili as a Successful Example of Language Policy
The post-independence trajectories of Swahili in Kenya and Tanzania represent contrasting approaches and offer insights into the politics of language.

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Tanzania under Mwalimu Julius Nyerere adopted Swahili as an official language alongside English, implementing it systematically across education, government, and public life.

Swahili is an emblem of African modernity and Pan-African aspirations. It serves as a genuine medium of self-expression and identity for the peoples of East and Central Africa – and it feeds the mouth that speaks it.

This policy was rooted in Nyerere’s socialist philosophy of ujamaa ‘familyhood’, and aimed to create national unity by rejecting colonial linguistic hierarchies.

The results were remarkable: Tanzania boasts high literacy rates and Swahili serves as a genuine lingua franca across regional, class, and ethnic lines. The language has become deeply embedded in national identity.

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Major locations in Africa where Zwahili is spoken.
Kenya, by contrast, maintained English as the official language while recognizing Swahili as a national language.

Although Swahili is widely spoken, particularly in urban areas and along the coast, English kept its key role in education, administration, and the formal economy.

This created a more complex linguistic hierarchy with English at the top, Swahili in the middle, and other major Kenyan languages like Gikuyu and Kalenjin occupying the lower rungs.

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With increasing distance from the colonial era, young urban Kenyans have, however, been rooting for Swahili in their everyday interactions.

In the process, they have created versatile Swahili-based youth languages like Sheng, which mix-in English and words from other Kenyan languages.

The success of Swahili in East and Central Africa has inspired its adoption as the only African language among the six working languages of the African Union.

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Swahili has become a bulwark against neocolonial language policies that promote English and French to the detriment of African languages.

Ultimately, the success of Swahili owes a lot to administrative intervention, but it would be wrong to say it has come only from top-down enforcement.

Much of its growth happened because ordinary people adopted it and made connections with each other, even when this was helped along by nation-building efforts.

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Today, Swahili’s expansion is increasingly driven by digital and social media, popular culture, music, and film, which has spread the language across borders through its appeal and utility.

Swahili in the Media, Pop Culture, and Youth Culture
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Music by Taarab band, sung in Swahili. Photo: Nicholas Calvin.
In the past two decades or so, Swahili has undergone a remarkable transformation.

Pop music sung in Swahili exploded onto the scene of East and Central Africa in the wake of Tanzania’s and Kenya’s independence in the 1960s.

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The digital distribution of music has exponentially increased the possibilities by offering informal, peer-to-peer forms of distribution of content.

Like in West Africa, new musical genres have emerged in East Africa that combine Congolese rumba and Taarab-influenced genres with hip-hop and R’n’B, ushering in a style called Bongo Flava.

Swahili is also the main medium of the vibrant Kenyan and Tanzania movie sector, conquering new audiences that English cannot reach.

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Young users are expanding the vocabulary and structure of Swahili, mixing languages creatively, using Swahili for humour, social commentary, and the arts.

A new generation of Swahili writers is experimenting with form and content, rejuvenating and transforming traditional narrative techniques.

The Future of Swahili
It is difficult to determine the exact number of speakers today, but estimates suggest that up to 200 million people use Swahili as a first or additional language.

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Swahili will certainly continue to expand, absorbing smaller African languages and growing organically through demographic trends and urbanization.

By 2100, population projections for Kenya, Tanzania, and eastern DRC indicate a combined total of at least 400 million people.

It is likely that all of them will speak Swahili as part of their linguistic repertoire. Additionally, Swahili is gaining ground in Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda, and parts of Somalia, Mozambique, South Sudan, Malawi, and Zambia.

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Due to these trends, Swahili is probably the fastest-growing world language besides West African Pidgin, and both languages are set to figure among the largest of the globe by 2100.

The question remains whether Swahili’s growth will remain mostly informal, supported only modestly by state policies.

There is a risk that a divide will deepen, with English, French, and Portuguese dominating elite education while Swahili-medium education is relegated to the lower middle class and working masses.

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This could further fragment societies already weakened by economic hardship and neocolonial resource extraction.

Moreover, the digital language divide may widen as English continues to dominate global technology, economics, and culture, reinforcing the hegemony of its speakers in the Global North.

Regardless of what governments do or fail to do, the grassroots appeal of Swahili will continue to grow. It is an emblem of African modernity and Pan-African aspirations.

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It serves as a genuine medium of self-expression and identity for the peoples of East and Central Africa –and it feeds the mouth that speaks it.

By Kofi Yakpo

Professor and Chair of Linguistics at the University of Hong Kong.

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Opinion

Parliamentary oversight or coordinated smear? The unprocedural attack on NNPCL’s Dr. Mumuni Dagazau

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Parliamentary

Also read: Iheanacho Extends Scoring Run in Bursaspor Win

This provision empowers each chamber of the National Assembly to order investigations into any matter within its legislative competence, as well as the conduct of any person, authority, ministry, or government department entrusted with executing laws or administering public funds.

Furthermore, Section 62 provides the explicit constitutional foundation for establishing specialized committees, most notably the Committee on Public Petitions, to systematically receive, review, and investigate genuine citizen grievances.

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To ensure these powers are exercised with order, discipline, and fairness, the legislature operates under clear Standing Orders formulated pursuant to Sections 60 and 101 of the Constitution.

While derived broadly from the investigative powers in Sections 88 and 128, the specific mechanisms, rules, and mandatory steps for receiving, vetting, hearing, and acting upon public petitions are meticulously detailed within these Standing Orders.

Having established this statutory background, it is essential to emphasize a fundamental principle: the constitutional mandate to receive and investigate petitions is an instrument of public accountability, not a weapon for personal vendettas, political witch-hunts, or legislative leverage.

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It is within this context that the recent actions of the House of Representatives Committee on Petroleum Resources (Downstream) must be critically examined.

Its Chairman, Hon. Ikenga Ugochinyere Imo, disclosed at the House Committee Downstream Week that his committee had received a petition alleging money laundering and abuse of office against the Executive Vice President of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited, Dr. Mumuni Dagazau.

A rigorous examination of this public disclosure reveals a glaring departure from standard parliamentary practice.

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This entire affair bears all the hallmarks of a orchestrated campaign driven by deep-seated malice; a desperate attempt to smear the character of public officers who have steadfastly refused to cow to covert blackmail or compromise their official responsibilities.

If this petition possesses any legitimate substance, why did the Committee Chairman fail to reveal the identity of the petitioner? Going public with an unverified, anonymous document without first conducting a preliminary administrative inquiry, establishing a prima facie case, or according Dr. Dagazau his fundamental constitutional right to a fair hearing is deeply troubling.

By disclosing to the press with unbacked claims, the committee has bypassed established legislative protocol and effectively subjected an officer to a trial by media.

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In doing so, the committee risks allowing itself to be used as a proxy for disgruntled elements seeking to undermine ongoing reforms in Nigeria’s downstream petroleum sector.

These interested parties appear unable to accept that the NNPC Limited of today operates under an entirely different paradigm from the NNPC Limited of the past. Under the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), NNPC Limited is driven by financial prudence, corporate accountability, and strict integrity.

The days when public institutions could be coerced into handing out unearned benefits are over. Those who believe they can resort to character assassination to extract personal gain or force compliance will find that their blackmail falls on deaf ears.

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Furthermore, the backdrop against which these remarks were made renders the Chairman’s comment even more disappointing.

At a major legislative gathering such as the “House Committee Downstream Week” a platform designed specifically to evaluate the health, security, and growth of Nigeria’s energy sector; the clear expectation of stakeholders, industry experts, and the general public was a forward-looking, substantive engagement.

National interest demanded that the committee focus its spotlight on critical industry dynamics: tracking progress made in local refining capacity, addressing persistent supply and bottlenecks, tackling crude oil theft, and formulating actionable legislative solutions to lower energy costs for everyday Nigerians.

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Instead of seizing this vital platform to offer strategic direction and policy support, Hon. Ugochinyere Ikenga chose to reduce a high-level public gathering to a arena for personal attacks and unverified slurs against an executive officer.

Diverting public focus away from pressingly urgent structural challenges in the downstream sector to launch an unprovoked, uninvestigated attack on Dr. Mumuni Dagazau represents a severe misplacement of priorities.

It undermines the very essence of parliamentary responsibility, substituting constructive legislative leadership with sensationalism and targeted distraction at a time when the nation desperately needs solutions, not political theater.

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While Dr. Dagazau reserves all legal rights to protect his hard-earned reputation against defamatory attacks and coordinated character assassination, the leadership of the House of Representatives should be urged to step in.

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The National Assembly must protect the dignity of the parliament by ensuring that committee oversight remains grounded in fairness, thoroughness, and due process, rather than public spectacles driven by unverified petitions.

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