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Tinubu help – Our brothers, our prodigal sons are killing our generals, troops

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Tinubu

Tinubu insecurity criticism Nigeria grows as concerns mount over rising violence, military losses, and government response to national security challenges

BOLA Ahmed Tinubu regales in his absurdities, wears them like badges of honour, and dares others to understand his devoted departure from logic to inclinations for inexactitudes that mask insensibilities and insensitivities.

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Also read: Tinubu Expands CNG Initiative to Include Electric Vehicles

The land is drenched in blood, fears, and at the zenith of deadening uncertainties that flow from a President, Commander-in-Chief, who from day one in office has been more interested in the importance of his office than “the security and welfare” of the people, unless they are about his immediate family and his acolytes.

From the beginning, President Tinubu’s major interest has been a second term.

That is all he has been working on since 29 May 2023. Any issue that does not contribute to his re-election is deemed marginal.

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Tinubu has been a failure in absolute terms. He cannot deny it. He is so afraid to lose the election that he has sleepless nights over facing the same people he has ignored.

He has resorted to hushed reactions to issues. Scared to annoy anyone, ready to accept any suggestions that would secure a semblance of peace as he heads gingerly to 2027.

Ours is a President in hiding. Jos was the proof. He has a shortage of words to address the issues which he has been afraid to deal with in any meaningful way since 2023.

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Pointing to infrastructure, whatever infrastructure that is, and tax reforms as major achievements of an administration that cannot secure the lives of Nigerians is insulting and absurd.

Is Tinubu building a Nigeria for the dead? Terrorists and bandits routinely kill Nigerians without consequences. The killings are daily news headlines from different parts of Nigeria.

Tinubu’s best responses from his series of security briefings are, “we will ensure this does not happen again,” “this is one killing too many,” “the perpetrators of the killings will not go unpunished,” and “I have ordered our security agencies to go after them”.

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All empty words that have emboldened the killers to more brutality because they know there would be no consequences for killing Nigerians, sometimes setting communities ablaze while they sleep and shooting those who dare to escape.

The killers are acquiring territories and have additional interests in direct attacks on our military bases. The casualty figures of troops and security agents are rising. Equipment is burnt if the terrorist cannot take it away.

Who cares? Not the Commander-in-Chief who believes that the solution to the insecurity in Plateau State is 5,000 drones.

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The mindset is contracts over command and control, intelligence management, and decisive stand on how to treat terrorists who have turned parts of Nigeria into war theatres.

In the last couple of months, the conversations have been more on the number of troops that we are losing, including senior officers.

Normal conversations. There is no anger not even embarrassment at such losses. They are announced as if they do not mean a thing. Sometimes the reluctance to announce them tell another story.

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How can terrorists destroy our military facilities, kill our troops, including officers, kill and abduct our people, and the Commander-in-Chief is not angry enough to order a major offensive that would profoundly damage the ability of terrorists to attack us?

Nigerians are not interested in the Commander-in-Chief’s hollow words. He should act to rescue Nigeria from the tragic, crippling consequences of insecurity that are making the country unliveable.

Tinubu’s remarkable lack of care seeps into how he addresses the people, overlooks their needs and the mental abuses that riddle the utterances of his officials who expect us to be deferent to terrorists.

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Is this not rather confounding?
The Nigeria Army, through Operation HADIN KAI, has a different account of the terrorist attack on the 29 Task Force Brigade Headquarters in Benisheikh, Borno State. Only four personnel: two officers and two soldiers, were killed, according to Lt-Col Sani Uba, Media Information Officer, Headquarters Joint Task Force (North East) Operation HADIN KAI, about 22 hours after the Commander-in-Chief commented on the battle.

“OPHK categorically refutes the claim that 17 soldiers, including a Brigade Commander, lost their lives during the incident.

“The military remains the only credible source of verified information on its operations and will continue to provide timely and accurate updates through official channels.

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“Members of the public are therefore advised to rely on such sources and refrain from spreading unverified information.”

Could this be another confirmation of the distance of the Commander-in-Chief from verified information from the battlefield? Tinubu had named Brig-Gen Oseni Omoh Braimah as the killed Brigade Commander and hailed the bravery of the soldiers who died fighting the terrorists in Benisheikh.

Let it not be that the Commander-in-Chief and his troops are indicting each other through these contradictions.
More confusing is the national policy of treating terrorists as “brothers”, as National Security Adviser, NSA, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, says, and “prodigal sons” who deserve the “repentance window” to be left open for them, according to Lt-Gen Olufemi Oluyede, Chief of Defence, CDS.

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How do our troops manage these orders that compromise their own safety? While the assumption is that both men speak for Tinubu, time is overdue for the Commander-in-Chief to tell our troops, and Nigerians, in general, if terrorists are “our brothers”, “our prodigal sons”, or our enemies.

The matter demands urgent attention as the President’s answer will determine how we treat terrorists.

Finally…
THE State House, more known as the Villa, has an AI chatbot that as you read a press statement dares you thus, “Hi, I am State House AI, ask me anything”.

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When you ask “anything”, it retorts, “This chatbot is currently unavailable. If you are the owner, please check your account”. The answer typifies a government that is currently unavailable.

PROUD factional leader of Africa Democratic Congress, ADC, Nafiu Bala Gombe, has admitted he has sponsorship to keep fighting ADC.

He lives in one of Abuja’s most expensive hotels, has a retinue of security personnel. How long will the sponsorship last?

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THE darkness and sadness all over Nigeria demand immediate attention.

Also read: EU, Tinubu Deepen Strategic Ties in Security Push

They are too imminent to ignore.

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Opinion

Tegbe’s 24-Hour Energy Zones and the Shift From Megawatts to Money

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Tegbe

 By Sufuyan Ojeifo,

There is a point at which a country’s electricity problem ceases to be merely an electricity problem. It becomes a problem of economic geography.

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Also read: Everton Celebrates Nigeria’s 66th Independence With Football Legends

Where can factories operate with confidence? Where can businesses plan beyond the next appearance of a generator? Where can hospitals, schools, technology companies, markets and households begin to organise their lives around the reasonable expectation that electricity will be there?

This is the thinking behind the latest initiative from the Minister of Power, Joseph Tegbe, to develop what the Federal Government calls Energy Zones – defined corridors where homes, businesses and industries could receive stable, 24-hour electricity.

The proposed zones cover the Lagos axis, the Abuja-Kaduna-Kano corridor and the Enugu-Port Harcourt corridor. Tegbe’s latest move is a meeting with selected electricity distribution companies to begin working through what it would take to make the idea real.

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At first glance, it sounds like another promise of uninterrupted electricity in a country that has heard too many such promises. However, there is something more consequential in the architecture of the proposal.

Tegbe is asking Nigerians to look at the power problem differently.

For years, the national conversation has been dominated by generation. How many megawatts are being produced? How much can the transmission grid carry? How many generating plants are working? These are important questions. But electricity does not become useful simply because it has been generated.

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It must travel. It must be received. It must be distributed. And ultimately, somebody must be able to use it. That last part has often been treated as the end of the conversation when, in reality, it is where the economic value of electricity begins.

Tegbe has put the point plainly. The constraint is not limited to generation and transmission; it also includes how much electricity can be taken up and delivered at the distribution end.

The proposed Energy Zones are intended to address precisely that gap while improving commercial demand and the revenue performance of the distribution companies.

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There is an important idea here.

Nigeria does not necessarily have to wait for every weakness in the electricity value chain to be solved simultaneously before beginning to create pockets of reliability.

A country of more than 200 million people, with enormous differences in industrial activity, population density and commercial demand, may have to proceed through carefully selected economic corridors while the wider system is repaired.

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This is not an argument for abandoning the national grid. It is an argument for making the grid more economically purposeful.

The three corridors selected by the Ministry are revealing. Lagos and its adjoining industrial axis represent perhaps the country’s most concentrated commercial and industrial demand.

The Abuja-Kaduna-Kano corridor connects the political capital with major commercial and industrial centres in the North. Enugu-Port Harcourt links important commercial, manufacturing and energy-producing communities in the South-East and South-South.

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These are not simply lines on a power map. They are lines on Nigeria’s economic map. That distinction matters.

For too long, Nigerians have experienced electricity largely as a household inconvenience. The light goes off. The generator comes on. A business buys diesel. A manufacturer factors self-generation into production costs. A hospital makes contingency arrangements.

A young entrepreneur learns, often painfully, that the real price of electricity is not what appears on the bill but what it costs to keep the business alive when the supply fails.

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A reliable electricity corridor changes that equation.

If a factory knows that a particular industrial cluster has dependable power, investment decisions begin to change.

If a commercial district can plan around predictable electricity, operating costs become easier to manage.

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If businesses can depend on supply for most of the day, generators can move from being the first line of defence to being what they were always supposed to be: backup.

This is where Tegbe’s technocratic instincts may prove significant.

His background is not that of a career power-sector operator. His professional experience has largely been in consulting, fiscal and economic reform, institutional transformation and advisory work. That background has been visible in his early approach to the ministry – diagnosis, audits, financial questions, infrastructure bottlenecks, and attempts to identify where one part of the system is preventing another from functioning properly.

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His Energy Zones proposal fits that pattern. It treats the electricity market less as a single machine waiting for one dramatic repair and more as a system of interconnected constraints that can be isolated, diagnosed and addressed.

Tegbe had already identified the three corridors as priorities for grid stabilisation, with technical audits intended to establish the condition of critical infrastructure. The latest engagement with DisCos suggests that the idea is now moving beyond technical diagnosis towards the more difficult question of how distribution will work within those corridors.

That is where the hard work begins.

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A 24-hour power zone cannot be created by a press statement. It requires generation that is available when needed, transmission capacity that can carry it, distribution infrastructure capable of receiving it, transformers and feeders that can withstand the load, metering that properly captures consumption, customers willing and able to pay, and a commercial structure in which the various participants have an incentive to keep the system working.

It also requires protection. Vandalism and energy theft do not respect administrative boundaries. Neither do faulty equipment, unpaid bills or poor collection practices. Tegbe himself has acknowledged that the sector’s problems reinforce one another. Weak collections affect the market. Market weakness affects maintenance and gas payments. Unreliable supply in turn depresses collections.

This is why the Energy Zone experiment, if it is to succeed, must be judged by more than the number of hours electricity is available.

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The real test will be whether reliability begins to produce economic consequences. Does industrial output increase? Do businesses spend less on self-generation? Does investment respond? Do DisCos collect more because customers are receiving a service they can trust? Does the government recover enough value from improved commercial activity to justify further infrastructure investment?

Those are the questions that should eventually accompany the glossy language of 24-hour power.

And there is another question that Tegbe and the Federal Government will have to confront: what happens outside the zones?

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Nigeria cannot become a collection of electrically privileged corridors surrounded by communities waiting indefinitely for their turn.

The logic of concentrating investment in high-demand areas can be defended economically, especially if the resulting commercial activity strengthens the wider electricity market.

But the strategy will ultimately have to demonstrate how successful zones become stepping stones towards broader reliability.

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That is the difference between an experiment and a system.

There is also a danger in admiring the architecture of reform from the comfort of an office.

It has to be said here that the statement issued by the minister’s media aide was long on ambition and conspicuously short on the details that matter. No timeline. No capacity targets. No specific investment figures. It is the kind of announcement that has, historically, been the precursor to nothing at all.

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So Nigerians should watch the idea with interest, but also with the healthy scepticism that comes from decades of promises about electricity.

The minister deserves a measure of credit for at least diagnosing an important part of the illness.

For once, the conversation has shifted from the head to the feet – from generation to distribution, from megawatts to money.

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At the same time, the Nigerian people have been given blueprints before. They have learned to admire the drawings while the building crumbles.

The Energy Zones remain a proposal. The government has not yet announced the detailed capacity requirements, implementation timetable or precise infrastructure investments that would make 24-hour supply possible.

That is not necessarily a fatal flaw. It may simply mean the idea is still being worked out.

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But it does mean that the language of 24-hour power should be treated as an aspiration until it is matched by the machinery of implementation.

Yet the proposal deserves attention because it reflects a potentially important shift in the way the power problem is being conceived.

Nigeria may not fix its electricity crisis in one heroic sweep. It may have to build reliability corridor by corridor, demand centre by demand centre, and economic cluster by economic cluster.

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There is nothing inherently glamorous about such work. It is engineering, finance, regulation, distribution and relentless attention to the weak link in the chain. But perhaps that is precisely the point.

The country has spent decades waiting for the great national electricity breakthrough.

Tegbe’s emerging approach suggests something less dramatic and potentially more practical: make a few economically critical parts of the system work properly, learn from them, strengthen the model, and expand it.

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The success of that approach will ultimately be measured not in speeches or megawatts, but in what Nigerians can do with the electricity when it arrives.

Does the factory run a second shift? Does the business hire more workers? Does the hospital keep its equipment running through the night? Does the young entrepreneur stop budgeting for diesel and start budgeting for growth?

Also read: Everton Celebrates Nigeria’s 66th Independence With Football Legends

That is where the real power story begins. And that is the standard against which Tegbe’s Energy Zones should ultimately be judged: not by whether 24-hour power sounds impressive in a press release, but by whether the lights stay on long enough for Nigerians to build something with them.

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