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Beyond oil: Niger Delta attracts new investments for economic growth and development

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Niger Delta

Niger Delta Summit in Port Harcourt targets $5bn investment and 500,000 jobs through diversification and innovation

By Ehi Braimah

In the mangrove-fringed creeks and bustling markets of the Niger Delta, the scent of crude oil has long defined daily life. 

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Also read: Nigerian Banks Drive Strong Growth After Bold Recapitalisation Boost

For decades, the region’s nine states – Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta, Edo, Imo, Ondo, Rivers, and Abia – have powered Nigeria’s economy through vast hydrocarbon reserves.

Yet for many residents, that black gold has delivered more curses than blessings: environmental degradation from oil spills, youth unemployment fueling unrest, and a sense of abandonment amid federal wealth that rarely trickled down. 

Families in fishing villages watched their waters turn toxic; young graduates in Port Harcourt scanned job boards dominated by oil multinationals, only to face cycles of militancy and amnesty programmes that offered temporary relief but little lasting dignity.

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Now, a quiet but determined shift is underway. 

Local business leaders are rewriting the script, betting that the Niger Delta region’s true wealth lies not just in its subsoil but in its people, rivers, farmland, and untapped entrepreneurial spirit. 

At the heart of this pivot is the maiden Niger Delta Economic and Investment Summit (NDEIS), scheduled for May 19 – 21, 2026, in Port Harcourt, Rivers State, with the theme: Driving investment, innovation, and industrial growth in the Niger Delta.

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Organised by the Niger Delta Chamber of Commerce, Industry, Trade, Mines and Agriculture (NDCCITMA), the event carries an audacious goal: catalysing up to five billion dollars in structured investments over the next five years and creating more than 500,000 direct and indirect jobs.

Ambassador Idaere Gogo-Ogan, NDCCITMA chairman, framed the ambition plainly during a pre-summit media briefing in March 2026. “The region is ready to deliver 500,000 new jobs, inclusive of investment drive and wealth creation,” he said, describing the summit as a platform to deliberate on “investment mobilisation, enterprise growth, industrial expansion, and regional coordination.” 

President Bola Tinubu is expected as special guest of honour, with Barbados Prime Minister Mia Amor Mottley delivering the keynote, an intriguing nod to lessons from small-island economies that have thrived through diversification and resilience.

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Dr. Solomon Edebiri, NDCCITMA secretary and local organising committee chairman, struck a note of pragmatic optimism. The summit, he explained, is “a strategic initiative designed to reposition the Niger Delta as a competitive hub for investment, enterprise development, and sustainable industrialisation.” While the world knows the Delta for oil and gas, its real legacy, he argued, rests on “a wealth of diverse and largely untapped opportunities” that the gathering aims to unlock.

Those opportunities are starting to crystalise. 

Discussions at the summit and related roundtables point to concrete sectors beyond crude: agriculture and agro-processing to leverage the region’s fertile soils and waterways; manufacturing and logistics to turn Port Harcourt and Warri into industrial nerve centers; blue economy initiatives harnessing fisheries, shipping, and coastal tourism; energy transition projects that optimise the existing oil-and-gas value chain (a shift toward renewable energy), and small-and-medium-enterprises (SME) scaling that could empower local entrepreneurs. 

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Recent analyses echo this vision, highlighting how five billion dollars in inflows could reshape the economy by reducing oil dependency and channeling capital into youth-driven ventures in farming, light manufacturing, and services.

The Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) has thrown its weight behind the effort, signaling institutional buy-in for broader regional plans. 

Chairman Chiedu Ebie and Managing Director/CEO Samuel Ogbuku have championed infrastructure upgrades, skills programmes, and sustainable projects that align with the summit’s goals – efforts that extend beyond flashy announcements to the gritty work of roads, power, and training centres that make investment viable on the ground.

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This local momentum dovetails with a national story of cautious investor re-engagement. 

Despite persistent security challenges, rankings on global terrorism indices, sporadic attacks in the northeast, and lingering instability in parts of the north-central zone, foreign and domestic capital is showing renewed interest in Nigeria, and the Niger Delta Chamber of Commerce, Industry, Trade, Mines and Agriculture is poised to announce the region to the world as a land full of opportunities for investors. 

While speaking on a recent Sunrise Daily broadcast on Channels TV, I pointed to President Tinubu’s UK visit last month and a high-level investment forum hosted by the Central Bank of Nigeria alongside the UK’s Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office. 

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Reforms such as exchange-rate unification, fuel-subsidy removal, and strengthened banking capital requirements have begun to stabilise macroeconomic indicators and rebuild confidence. 

I noted that 28 percent of recent capital inflows came from foreign investors, with 34 banks meeting the new CBN recapitalisation thresholds.

For the Niger Delta, the development agenda feels personal. During the interview, I specifically praised the region’s push to mobilise local capital and foster self-reliant growth, urging the six regional development commissions to adopt their template.

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The message is clear: reducing dependence on federal allocations and oil rents is no longer optional, it is the path to dignity and sustainable development.

Yet nuance demands caution. Skeptics will recall past summits, master plans, and billions pledged that evaporated into reports and photo-ops.

 Youth unemployment remains painfully high; environmental remediation lags; and trust between communities, government, and investors is still fragile. 

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Roadshows across the Delta states, Abuja, and Lagos at some point will definitely amplify the mission, thereby turning ideas into bankable projects, but execution will test whether discipline and speed can match the ambition. As Edebiri emphasised, the shift from “ambition to implementation” is everything.

Still, the human stakes are unmistakable. 

Picture a young woman in Yenagoa who once saw her family’s fishing nets come up empty because of pollution; today she eyes training in aquaculture under blue-economy initiatives.

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Or the engineering graduate in Uyo who once joined restive groups out of frustration but now dreams of a manufacturing startup backed by summit-linked investors. 

These are not abstract statistics – they are the 500,000 jobs, lives that could move from survival to aspiration if the pieces align.

As Port Harcourt prepares to host investors, business leaders, CEOs, development finance executives, members of the diplomatic community, heads of MDAs, young innovators, exhibitors, media practitioners, policy analysts, changemakers, and members of business membership organisations, the Niger Delta stands at a crossroad. 

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The oil rigs will not disappear overnight, but value-chain optimisation remains part of the transition. Indeed, the narrative is broadening. 

What was once dismissed as a region of perpetual crisis is quietly positioning itself as a diversified engine of national economic growth, rooted in agriculture, innovation, and human capital rather than a single extractive resource.

The world is watching. The Niger Delta is home to over 30 million people and the economic engine of Nigeria.

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It contributes more than 90 percent of Nigeria’s oil revenue, and holds the vast majority of the nation’s gas reserves. Even with the immense natural wealth, the region remains economically underserved.

NDCCITMA was established with a mandate to facilitate rapid, even and sustainable development of the Niger Delta into a region that is economically prosperous, socially stable, ecologically regenerative, and politically peaceful.

The chamber serves as the private sector implementation arm of the region’s development strategy to attract investment, marking a critical pivot from aid-based development to enterprise-driven growth.

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If the summit delivers even a fraction of its promise, the creeks that were once a major security flashpoint, may yet sparkle with a new possibility of attracting investors from around the world for the Niger Delta people and Nigeria.

Also read: Nigerian Banks Drive Strong Growth After Bold Recapitalisation Boost

Clearly, the journey beyond oil has begun which marks a new dawn of development for the region.

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Opinion

Adversarial journalism: Rufai Oseni versus Lere Olayinka on Arise News

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journalism

 

By Ehi Braimah

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The dramatic encounter between Lere Olayinka, senior special assistant on public communication and social media to the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, and Arise News anchor Rufai Oseni on The Morning Show last Friday has generated considerable debate about journalism, the conduct of public officials and their spokespersons, and the boundaries of adversarial journalism. It was an unnecessary spectacle.

Also read: Presidency Rejects Speculation on Tinubu FBI Files

Lere Olayinka was invited to appear on the programme anchored by Dr Reuben Abati, Ayo Mairo-Ese and Rufai Oseni. Lere knew, or ought to have known, that all three anchors were part of the programme.

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He accepted the invitation and entered the Arise News Abuja studio. He answered questions from Abati and Ayo. But when it became Rufai’s turn, Lere declared that he would not answer his questions because he regarded Rufai as an “enemy” and wanted to engage only with “reasonable human beings.” That was provocative and unacceptable.

 

A spokesperson for a public official does not have the luxury of selecting which journalist is sufficiently “reasonable” to ask questions.

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Once a government spokesperson voluntarily accepts an invitation to a major television programme, he should expect difficult questions, including questions he may consider uncomfortable, hostile or unfair.

 

The proper response is to answer, challenge the premise of the question, correct the interviewer, or decline to answer a particular question for a legitimate reason.

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What he should not do is attempt to determine which of the programme’s anchors is entitled to interview him.

 

Ayo Mairo-Ese was therefore right to intervene and terminate the interview. Her point was simple: Since you are aware there are three anchors on the programme and accept the invitation, you cannot subsequently decide that one of them is an “enemy” and therefore unworthy of your answers.

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That episode should not, however, be used as an excuse to ignore the bigger issue raised by Rufai Oseni’s interviewing style.

 

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What exactly is adversarial journalism?

 

Journalism is not public relations. A journalist is not expected to make a government official, politician or corporate executive comfortable.

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Journalism’s fundamental responsibility is to seek the truth; interrogate power and provide citizens with information they need to make informed decisions. This is where adversarial journalism has an important role.

 

Adversarial journalism is essentially a style of reporting and interviewing that subjects people in positions of power to rigorous scrutiny.

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It challenges claims, tests evidence, exposes contradictions and refuses to accept official explanations at face value. In a democracy, that is necessary.

 

Indeed, some of the most memorable television interviews around the world have been produced by journalists who refused to allow powerful guests to evade difficult questions.

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They include Christianne Amanpour, Pierce Morgan, Jerry Paxman, James O’Brien, Andrew Neil, Kay Burnley, Megyn Kelly, Mehdi Hassan, Chris Wallace and Billy O’Reilly. Rufai Oseni belongs to that tradition. He is fearless and asks questions many journalists would hesitate to ask.

 

Rufai frequently challenges government officials and politicians on their claims, policies and records.

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His preparation is obvious; his knowledge is substantial and his ability to connect seemingly unrelated issues can make for compelling viewing, thereby giving The Morning Show significant ranking. That explains his enormous fans and admirers.

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But it also explains why he has become controversial. There is a thin but important line between aggressive journalism and combative journalism; between robust questioning and confrontation, and between holding power to account and becoming part of the story. That line must not be crossed.

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Rufai’s greatest strength can also become his weakness

 

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Rufai has developed a distinctive television personality. He is passionate, energetic, intellectually confident and unwilling to be intimidated.

Those qualities are assets, but television magnifies personality, and what works brilliantly on one occasion can become irritating when repeated too frequently.

 

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The journalist must remain in control of the interview without appearing to be in a contest with the guest. This is particularly important when interviewing government officials. A tough interviewer should not necessarily be an angry interviewer.

In addition, a difficult question does not have to be delivered aggressively and using the cross-examination technique can be devastatingly effective when conducted calmly.

 

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Sometimes, the most powerful television question is asked quietly. The objective is not to defeat the guest, but to extract information, expose contradictions and enable viewers to make their own judgments.

When the interviewer becomes visibly embroiled in an argument with the guest, the focus can shift from the substance of the interview to the personalities involved. That is dangerous. When the journalist becomes the news, there is a problem.

 

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Lere was wrong — but Rufai should listen

 

It is important to separate the two issues. Lere Olayinka’s behaviour should be condemned.

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His refusal to answer Rufai because he considers him an “enemy” was unprofessional. His subsequent decision to continue the confrontation on social media after leaving the studio only prolonged an unnecessary controversy. It was clearly an act of bad faith.

 

There is also no justification for repeatedly questioning Rufai’s professional competence because he studied Animal Science.

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What is wrong with studying Animal Science, or History, Mathematics, Biochemistry, Psychology, Architecture, or Law? These are examples of courses offered in Nigerian universities and other places.

 

Journalism is a profession in which people acquire expertise through formal education, professional training and experience. A person’s first degree does not, by itself, determine whether he can become a competent journalist.

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Rufai has clearly acquired considerable experience in broadcasting and journalism. But Lere’s provocation does not mean Rufai should ignore legitimate criticism of his style.

In fact, because Rufai has become such an influential media personality, he should welcome constructive criticism.

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He has built something remarkable on The Morning Show. Alongside Reuben Abati, Ayo Mairo-Ese, Adefemi Akinsanya, Vimbai Muthihirin-Ekpenyong and Ojy Okpe, he has helped create a programme with a substantial audience and a loyal following.

The anchors bring different personalities, rich perspectives, nuamces and strengths to the programme. That diversity is part of its attraction to the station’s global audience, but influence comes with responsibility.

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The danger of overreach

 

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Rufai’s admirers appreciate his fearlessness, but his critics accuse him of overreach, excessive aggression and combativeness.

In truth, both perceptions can coexist. The fact that millions enjoy his style does not automatically make every aspect of it desirable. Equally, the fact that some viewers find him abrasive does not mean he should abandon his robust approach. The answer is moderation.

 

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Rufai does not need to become a different journalist; he simply needs to refine the journalist he already is.

He should retain the probing questions, painstaking research, exceptional courage and intellectual rigour. But he can reduce the volume, the interruptions and the personal confrontations.

 

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He can challenge without appearing hostile; disagree without appearing offended, and cross-examine his guests without turning the interview into a courtroom battle.

And he can allow a guest to finish speaking even when he knows the answer is evasive. That may actually make his questions more powerful.

 

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There is a lesson here for public officials, too

 

Government spokespersons and politicians must also understand that the media environment has changed and should stop feeling entitled.

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They cannot expect sympathetic interviews simply because they are government representatives.

A journalist’s job is not to protect a government official from difficult and probing questions. Public office is held in trust for the people, and those who communicate on behalf of public officials should expect scrutiny.

 

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If a spokesperson believes an interviewer is biased, the appropriate response is to make that case publicly and professionally.

If a question is inaccurate, correct it, and if it is malicious, say so. But refusing to answer because the journalist is considered an “enemy” creates precisely the impression that the spokesperson has something to hide. It also denies viewers the opportunity to hear the government’s side of the argument.

 

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The media must remain bigger than the personalities

 

The Lere-Rufai confrontation provides an important lesson for Nigerian journalism. Television news is not theatre, even though television is undoubtedly a performance medium. The personalities of anchors matter, but journalism matters more.

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The Morning Show has become influential because it combines news, analysis, debate, interviews and entertainment.

Its anchors have built a community of viewers and, in some respects, a movement. That influence should be protected.

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Rufai should therefore not interpret calls for moderation as an attempt to silence him.

On the contrary, the most influential journalists constantly evolve and adapt to the ever-changing media landscape. There is nothing wrong with being adversarial.

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Democracy needs journalists who will challenge power, but adversarial journalism should be evidence-driven, persistent and fearless – not needlessly antagonistic.

 

The best interviewer is not necessarily the one who talks the loudest or wins the argument – it is the one who asks the question that the guest cannot escape. That is the Rufai Oseni I would like to see more often. Keep the courage, ask the difficult questions, blend facts and commentary, and continue to press for specifics.

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Rufai should keep holding power to account, but at the same time moderate his style. That is precisely what your friends – not your enemies – should constantly tell you.

As for Lere Olayinka, he should remember an equally important principle: if you accept the microphone, you must also accept the questions. Public communication is not a menu from which you select only the questions you like.

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Also read: Presidency Rejects Speculation on Tinubu FBI Files

Both journalism and public service demand accountability, and the media must hold power accountable. Journalists must also be accountable for how they exercise their power.

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