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Papa Fred Agbeyegbe at 90 — A Vanguard of Stage, Law and Activism

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Papa Fred Agbeyegbe at 90

Celebrating Papa Fred Agbeyegbe at 90, the iconic playwright, lawyer, and activist who reshaped Nigerian theatre and inspired generations

Fred Omadeli Agbeyegbe, the distinguished playwright, lawyer, publisher, and cultural figure, turns 90 on July 22.

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Also read: Jaiye Kuti Real Estate Venture Launches on Birthday With Bold Expansion Plan

A man of vision and intellect, he has spent decades using the stage not for entertainment alone, but as a tool for social inquiry, political critique, and cultural preservation.

He is one of Nigeria’s most fearless and creative minds—an artist who gave meaning to theatre as conscience.

Legacy of the 1980s: Plays That Reshaped the National Stage

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In the 1980s, Fred Agbeyegbe stood at the centre of Nigeria’s theatrical revival.

His four major plays—The King Must Dance Naked, Woe Unto Death, The Last Omen, and Budiso—directed by the late Jide Ogungbade and performed at the National Theatre, Iganmu, stirred the soul of the nation.

The King Must Dance Naked is one of the most influential Nigerian plays of the post-independence era.

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In it, Queen Odosun challenges the custom of child sacrifice, proclaiming, “No woman who has endured labour would give her child up for sacrifice.”

The line cuts deep into patriarchal tradition and raises questions about the cost of blind obedience to culture.

Budiso, a politically charged satire, mocked authoritarian rule and military excesses. The play coined the memorable and enduring question: “Is the law an ass?”

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Agbeyegbe’s writing confronted injustice head-on and offered the audience a mirror through which to reflect on their reality.

These works were more than drama. They were public interventions, presented through rhythm, ritual, irony, and ancestral language.

They embodied the spirit of Ajofest and Ajo Productions—platforms Agbeyegbe created to preserve and promote indigenous storytelling and socially relevant theatre.

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Voices of Praise

Fred Agbeyegbe’s influence spans generations. Theatre critic and cultural advocate Ben Tomoloju once said, “He wove artistry into idea and idea into artistry.”

Professor G. G. Darah described him as “a revolutionary democrat and activist… an ideological rebel.”

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Over the years, his plays have received critical and academic attention, and his ideas have shaped conversations within and beyond Nigeria’s theatre circles.

Revivals and Enduring Impact

Agbeyegbe’s plays have not only endured—they have grown in relevance. New generations of actors and directors continue to bring his work to life.

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Recent revivals of The King Must Dance Naked featured notable performers including Joke Silva, Gloria Young, Taiwo Ajayi-Lycett, Toyin Oshinaike, Zara Udofia-Ejoh, and Edmond Enaibe.

Public figures such as Babatunde Fashola, Minister Hannatu Musawa, and veteran journalist Sam Amuka-Pemu have attended these performances, underscoring the continuing cultural value of Agbeyegbe’s vision.

Actress Joke Silva once remarked, “Anybody who has performed in The King Must Dance Naked sees their career take off. It is not the easiest play to perform, but it elevates you.”

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Publications and Literary Contributions

Agbeyegbe has written more than thirteen plays and three volumes of poetry.

His works include The Will, My Grandfather’s Ghost, Stop and Bullet, Woe Unto Death, The Reincarnation Lovers, Conflict Resolution, and The Tombs of Westminster Abbey.

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His writing is marked by philosophical clarity, historical depth, and dramatic tension.

In addition to being a dramatist, he is a poet, essayist, and publisher.

His literary and intellectual output has shaped conversations in both cultural and academic spaces, reinforcing his role as a builder of thought and dialogue.

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A Man of Cultural Depth and Conviction

Born in Warri, Delta State, in 1935, Fred Agbeyegbe identifies deeply with his Itsekiri heritage. “I was an Itsekiri man before I became a Nigerian,” he once said.

This sense of rooted identity permeates his work—evident in his use of indigenous names, ancestral motifs, and traditional belief systems.

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As a lawyer and publisher, he pursued justice. As a writer and performer, he pursued meaning. As a citizen, he pursued change. His work sits at the intersection of law, theatre, and activism—each reinforcing the other.

Family, Charity, and Mentorship

Away from public life, Fred Agbeyegbe is a devoted family man—deeply loved by his children, grandchildren, relatives, and close friends.

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He is affectionately known as “Papa Fred,” not only for his wisdom, but for his warmth, humour, and generosity.

He is also known for his quiet philanthropy—supporting young artists, students, and creative projects with little fanfare.

His work with Ajofest ‘86 and Ajo Productions helped nurture some of the brightest talents in Nigerian theatre, including Joke Silva, Olu Jacobs, Richard Mofe-Damijo, Anta Laniyan, and Taiwo Ajayi-Lycett.

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His mentorship and generosity have touched lives across the country and beyond.

A Tribute in Time

At 90, Fred Agbeyegbe stands as a giant in Nigerian cultural history.

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His words have unsettled power, defended the weak, and given voice to the forgotten. His plays are not only pieces of literature but instruments of reform and awakening.

He is a man of fierce integrity and enduring relevance. His work reminds us that tradition must be questioned, that justice must be pursued, and that theatre must be a space for truth.

Fred Agbeyegbe is not just a playwright. He is a national memory keeper, a conscience for the stage, and a man who turned drama into dialogue.

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At 90, he remains a teacher, a mentor, a light.

Also read: Sooko Lawal’s Political Journey Inspiring, Says Senator Husain In Birthday Message

Barrister Fred Agbeyegbe is our cultural custodian, our truth-teller on stage, our legend—a man who reshaped Nigerian theatre and held high the banner of justice, dignity, and the transformative power of words.

 

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By Prince Adeyemi Aseperi-Shonibare

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Opinion

Beware of 2027 election false prophets and political delusion

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election

Why the Opposition May Lose Again – Not Because President Bola Ahmed Tinubu Is Unbeatable, but Because His Opponents Are Unprepared

 

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By Nosa Osaikhuiwu,

There is a dangerous political delusion taking hold in Nigeria ahead of the 2027 presidential election: the belief that because millions of Nigerians are unhappy with the government, the opposition will automatically defeat President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

Also read: APC Reaffirms Yayi Amid Ogun Ticket Dispute

That assumption could prove to be one of the opposition’s biggest mistakes. There is another narrative that has become almost unquestionable in some political circles: that the opposition actually won the 2023 presidential election and that its victory was stolen.

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I do not subscribe to that narrative, because the conclusions are baseless without empirical data, unsubstantiated and unfounded.

Let me state my position clearly. I am not an APC supporter, nor am I a supporter of any political party in Nigeria. My position is based on political realities and my commitment to good governance, culture change, ethical transformation and a better Nigeria.

I believe Nigerians must learn to distinguish between what we wish had happened and what actually happened. Because as the saying goes “if wishes were horses baggers will ride all day”.

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THE 2023 ELECTION: POLITICAL MATHEMATICS MATTERED

The 2023 presidential election was fundamentally different from the elections that preceded it because Nigeria’s traditional two-party political contest was disrupted by the emergence of Peter Obi and the Labor Party as a major electoral force.

Before Peter Obi left the PDP, the presidential contest was largely expected to be between the PDP and APC. Then the equation changed.

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Peter Obi left the PDP and joined the Labor Party. His candidacy captured the imagination of millions of Nigerians, particularly young people and voters who wanted a fundamental change in the political system.

But there was an important consequence that many people appear unwilling to acknowledge: The opposition vote was divided. 

A substantial portion of the electorate that might otherwise have supported the PDP moved toward Labor. This move was a game changer for the political and electoral landscape.

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It transformed what could have been essentially a two-way contest into a three-way presidential election. This was not a minor development. It changed the mathematical calculus of the election.

The APC entered the election as the incumbent governing party, with the enormous political advantages that come with incumbency and an established national political structure.

The PDP had its own extensive national structure, but it was weakened by internal divisions and the emergence of the Labor Party.

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The Labor Party, meanwhile, generated enormous enthusiasm but did not possess the national political structure of either the APC or PDP.

The electoral outcome was predictable from a political-mathematical standpoint. The opposition was divided. The APC was sufficiently consolidated. Consequently, the APC won.

That conclusion does not require anyone to be an APC supporter. It requires only an honest examination of the political circumstances surrounding the election.

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WAS THE 2023 ELECTION PERFECT?

An unbiased and responsible review of the 2023 presidential elections will acknowledge that it was not perfect. Frankly, there are no perfect elections anywhere in the world.

There were controversies, alleged irregularities and unverified claims of record manipulation during the election.

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But we must distinguish between two different arguments. The first is that the election contained irregularities. The second is that those irregularities were sufficient to change the final outcome.

The first proposition is not particularly controversial. The second requires credible evidence to substantiate the claims made.

An election does not become automatically invalid simply because irregularities occurred. Elections around the world experience administrative failures, logistical problems, disputes, allegations of malpractice and other imperfections.

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The relevant question is whether those problems were sufficient to change the outcome. That is where political argument must give way to evidence.

The more important lesson from 2023, therefore, is not that somebody “stole” an election that was already won.

The more important lesson is that a divided opposition made it easier for the incumbent party to win. And that lesson is extremely relevant to 2027.

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TINUBU’S BIGGEST ADVANTAGE MAY BE THE OPPOSITION

Let us be brutally honest. President Tinubu’s administration has significant economic and political challenges. Inflation, rising cost of living, unemployment, insecurity, hardship and declining purchasing power have created genuine pain for millions of Nigerians.

The government’s economic reforms may have been motivated by legitimate concerns about the sustainability of Nigeria’s economy.

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But good intentions do not exempt a government from performance evaluation. Government must ultimately be judged by results.

If Nigerians were voting exclusively on economic performance, the APC would have plenty to worry about.

But elections are not mathematics based solely on economic indicators. They are political contests. And politics is about organization, structure, messaging, coalition-building, voter mobilization and the ability to convert public sentiment into votes. This is where the opposition is making a potentially catastrophic mistake.

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The opposition appears to believe that dissatisfaction with Tinubu is equivalent to support for the opposition.

It is not. Millions of Nigerians can be unhappy with the APC and still refuse to vote for an opposition party. Millions can complain about the economy and still have no confidence in the alternative. Millions can criticize Tinubu and still ask:

“Who exactly are you bringing to replace him?”

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That is the question the opposition has yet to answer convincingly.

SOCIAL MEDIA IS NOT THE BALLOT BOX

One of the greatest political illusions of modern Nigeria is the belief that social-media popularity represents electoral strength. It does not. A politician can dominate Facebook, X, Tik-Tok or YouTube and still lose an election. Why? Because elections are not won by likes, reposts, hashtags, viral videos, but are won by voters going to the polls and making choices known.

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They are won by organizing voters geographically from ward level, communities to their polling units by having a ground game that actively engages local leaders, traditional institutions, religious institutions, professional associations, youth organizations and community networks to ensure they deliver their votes. The party that understands this reality will have an enormous advantage.

The opposition cannot spend the next year fighting political battles on the internet while the APC builds and maintains political structures across the country.

The internet can amplify a political movement. It cannot substitute for a political organization.

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THREE THINGS THE OPPOSITION MUST DO

If the opposition genuinely wants to defeat the APC in 2027, it must act now.

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  1. CONSOLIDATE

The opposition parties need to stop pretending that each one can independently defeat the APC. PDP, Labor, ADC and other opposition forces must seriously consider forming a genuine political coalition or adopting a common platform.

The objective cannot simply be “anything but Tinubu.”

That is not enough. Nigeria needs an alternative government, not merely an anti-Tinubu movement.

The coalition must develop a credible economic, security, educational, industrial and governance agenda. It must tell Nigerians exactly what it intends to do differently.

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  1. PRESENT ONE CANDIDATE

This may be the most important issue of all. The opposition cannot repeat 2023. If multiple opposition candidates enter the presidential race and divide the anti-APC vote again, they may once again hand the election to the incumbent.

One presidential candidate.

One national platform.

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One coherent message.

One campaign structure.

One political strategy.

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That is the only realistic pathway toward transforming widespread dissatisfaction into an electoral majority.

The process of choosing that candidate must not become another ethnic or regional contest. Nigeria needs a candidate who can build a national coalition.

A candidate who can win in the North.

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A candidate who can win in the South.

A candidate who can appeal to Christians and Muslims.

A candidate who can appeal to young and old.

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A candidate who can convince Nigerians that the alternative government will be competent, ethical and capable.

 

  1. TAKE THE CAMPAIGN TO THE STREETS

The opposition must get off the internet.

Go to the communities.

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Go to the wards.

Go to the villages.

Go to the markets.

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Go to the universities.

Go to the workplaces.

Talk to farmers.

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Talk to traders.

Talk to artisans.

Talk to young people.

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Talk to women.

Talk to professionals.

Talk to people who have never posted a political message on social media.

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Most importantly, listen to them. A political party cannot build a national movement by speaking only to people who already agree with it. It must persuade people who are undecided. That is how elections are won.

 

STOP BLAMING THE REFEREE

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There is a deeper cultural problem that Nigeria must confront.

We have developed an extraordinary culture of avoiding responsibility. A student fails an examination and blames the teacher.

A football team loses and blames the referee.

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A driver causes an accident and blames the devil.

A politician loses an election and immediately claims that the election was stolen.

Sometimes those accusations are justified.

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But not always.

Sometimes we simply failed.

Sometimes we were not prepared.

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Sometimes our opponent was better organized.

Sometimes our strategy was poor.

Sometimes our candidate was not popular enough.

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Sometimes we did not have enough votes.

There is nothing undignified about acknowledging defeat.

 

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In fact, the ability to honestly analyze failure is one of the foundations of ethical leadership.

 

Nigeria cannot build a culture of accountability while politicians refuse to accept responsibility for their own strategic failures.

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If the opposition loses in 2027, it should not automatically blame INEC, the APC, the judiciary, technology, vote buying or electoral manipulation.

It should first ask:

Did we do everything necessary to win?

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Did we have the structure?

Did we mobilize the voters?

Did we have one candidate?

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Did we have a credible message?

Did we build a national coalition?

Did we protect our votes?

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Did we understand the political terrain?

Did we actually convince undecided voters?

If the answer to these questions is no, then perhaps the problem was not simply the election.

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Perhaps the problem was the opposition.

 

2027 IS NOT YET A FOREGONE CONCLUSION

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Let me be clear: I am not predicting that President Tinubu will certainly win the 2027 election.

No responsible political analyst should make that claim at this stage.

Elections can change dramatically.

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Political alliances can collapse.

New movements can emerge.

Economic conditions can change.

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A powerful opposition coalition can alter the entire political equation.

But based on the political structure that exists today, the APC has a significant advantage.

And if the opposition continues to operate as it did in 2023, fragmented, internally divided and without a single national candidate, it could lose again.

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Not necessarily because Tinubu’s government has performed exceptionally well. Not necessarily because Nigerians are satisfied.

But because the alternative has failed to organize itself sufficiently to take power. That is the uncomfortable truth many opposition politicians and the supporters do not want to hear.

 

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THE FALSE PROPHETS ARE COMING

As 2027 approaches, Nigerians should expect a flood of political predictions. Some will tell you that the opposition has already won. Some will tell you that a particular candidate is “unstoppable.”

Those in the faith arena proclaim from the roof top that God has revealed the winner to them and that a candidate in the opposition rank or the incumbent president is the one chosen by God.

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Others will interpret social-media trends as evidence of an inevitable electoral victory.

Some will publish elaborate electoral maps based on nothing more than wishful thinking. Many will blame every political setback on conspiracy.

Nigerians must be careful.

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Political prophecy is not political strategy.

A viral video is not an election.

A poll is not an election.

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A political rally is not an election.

A crowd is not an election.

An angry population is not automatically an opposition electorate.

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The only thing that ultimately matters is whether a political organization can convert public sentiment into votes.

NIGERIA NEEDS A COMPETENT OPPOSITION

I want the opposition to compete, not because I support any particular political party, but because democracy requires a credible alternative.

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A healthy democracy needs a government that knows it can be challenged.

It needs an opposition that can scrutinize government policies.

It needs political parties that can present alternative economic policies.

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It needs leaders who can accept responsibility.

It needs citizens who can distinguish facts from political propaganda.

Most importantly, Nigeria needs a political culture in which elections are contests of ideas, competence and character rather than ethnic calculations, religious mobilization and personality cults.

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The opposition still has time.

But it must wake up.

Stop fighting one another.

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Stop living on social media.

Stop waiting for the APC to collapse.

Stop assuming economic hardship automatically translates into opposition votes.

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Stop telling Nigerians that you already won an election you did not win.

Stop blaming everyone else.

Organize. Consolidate. Choose one candidate. Build a national coalition. Develop a credible alternative agenda. Go to the grassroots. Mobilize voters. Protect the votes.

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Then compete.

If the opposition does that and still loses, it will at least have earned the right to demand a serious examination of the electoral process.

But if it refuses to do the work and loses again, Nigerians should not be surprised.

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Also read: APC Reaffirms Yayi Amid Ogun Ticket Dispute

The APC may win, not because it is unbeatable, but because its opponents were unwilling or unable to become a credible alternative. That would be the greatest tragedy of all. Because Nigeria does not merely need a new government.

Nigeria needs a better political culture.

And that culture change must begin with accepting one simple principle:

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If you want to win, prepare to win.

Anything less is political delusion.

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