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Job creation through demand-induced policies

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Job

By Nosa Osaikhuiwu,

 

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Nigeria’s teeming population should be viewed not as a burden but as an enormous economic asset that can and must be harnessed for national economic transformation and sustainable development.

Also read: Uber Unveils London Robotaxi After Nigeria Exit

With a population already exceeding 200 million and projected to approach 300 million by the end of the century, Nigeria cannot afford to continue responding only to the challenges of today. We must begin implementing policies that anticipate the economic, social and employment challenges of tomorrow.

One of Nigeria’s most urgent challenges is unemployment, particularly among young people. This problem affects both graduates and the much larger segment of our population without formal education or marketable technical skills. The fundamental question, therefore, is not simply how government can create jobs, but how government can create the economic conditions under which millions of sustainable jobs can be created by the private sector.

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Recognizing the Necessary Economic Reforms

Before addressing job creation, it is important to acknowledge some of the major economic reforms undertaken by the current administration.

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While these policies have been unpopular in some quarters and have imposed significant hardship on households and businesses, the removal of fuel subsidies and the move toward greater alignment of foreign-exchange rates were, in my view, necessary steps toward restoring some degree of economic stability.

The manner and timing of implementation can certainly be debated. However, it is difficult to dispute that maintaining a system in which government could no longer sustainably finance fuel subsidies, while simultaneously maintaining significant distortions in the foreign-exchange market, was becoming increasingly untenable.

The immediate consequences have been severe for millions of Nigerians. Nevertheless, if these reforms are properly managed and followed by policies that stimulate production, investment and employment, Nigeria can ultimately emerge stronger.

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However, some of the noise in some political quarters about reversing the fuel subsidy removal is not only disingenuous, it is playing to the gallery of public sentiments which betrays a lack of seriousness on their part.

The next phase, therefore, must be about growth, production and job creation. Manufacturing Is Essential: But Manufacturing Alone Is Not Enough

I strongly agree with the position repeatedly expressed by Nigerian industrialist Aliko Dangote that manufacturing is critical to job creation in Nigeria.

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Manufacturing creates direct employment in factories, but its impact extends far beyond the factory floor. It creates demand for raw materials, transportation, logistics, warehousing, engineering, maintenance, packaging, distribution, financial services and countless other activities.

However, I would take this argument one step further, because a sustainable manufacturing industry requires demand.

A factory can produce thousands of beds, furniture sets, refrigerators, or other locally manufactured products, but production cannot continue indefinitely if consumers lack the purchasing power to buy those products. This is where government policy must become more sophisticated.

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Rather than government attempting to employ everyone directly, it should create an economic environment in which production generates employment and employment generates purchasing power, which in turn creates demand for more production. That is the economic cycle Nigeria must deliberately build.

 

Creating a National Credit Economy

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One of the most powerful instruments available to us is a properly regulated consumer and business credit system. In advanced economies, access to responsible credit has played an important role in improving living standards and expanding economic activity.

Consumers do not necessarily have to possess the full amount of money required to purchase a house, vehicle, furniture or other durable goods before making the purchase.

Properly structured credit allows them to acquire those goods today and pay over time. That creates immediate demand for manufactured products.

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The manufacturer receives payment. The factory continues producing. Workers retain their jobs. Suppliers receive orders. Transporters move products.

Financial institutions earn interest. Government receives taxes. Employees spend their income elsewhere in the economy. One transaction can therefore generate an economic chain far larger than the original purchase.

 

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The Following Steps Are Essential

 

  1. Establish a Unified National Database

Nigeria needs a comprehensive national database integrating biometric information and a unique National Identification Number for every citizen and legally resident person. A reliable identity infrastructure is fundamental to modern financial services, taxation, credit assessment, social programs and economic planning.

  1. Reform the Credit Bureau System

Credit bureau legislation should be strengthened and modernized, allowing banks and regulated financial institutions to play a greater role in developing a robust credit-information ecosystem, subject to strong government regulatory oversight. Every Nigerian who participates in the formal financial system should gradually develop a verifiable credit history. Good financial behavior should have benefits. Persistent default should have consequences.

  1. Accelerate the Transition to a Cashless Economy

Nigeria should establish a realistic but ambitious transition toward a predominantly cashless economy within 36 months. This should not be about punishing Nigerians who use cash. It should be about creating a transparent, traceable and efficient financial system that reduces the size of the informal cash economy and makes it easier to assess income, spending, creditworthiness and tax obligations.

  1. Gradually Restrict Excessive Cash Transactions

Government should consider progressively restricting large cash withdrawals and transactions, with appropriate exemptions for legitimate businesses and special circumstances. Such a policy must, however, be carefully designed so that it does not inadvertently harm small businesses or citizens who remain outside the formal banking system. The objective should be financial inclusion and transparency, not financial exclusion.

  1. Expand Consumer and Manufacturer Financing

Legislation and regulation should facilitate financing arrangements through which manufacturers can sell locally produced goods to consumers on credit while financial institutions assume and manage the repayment risk. Imagine a Nigerian family being able to purchase locally manufactured furniture, beds, household appliances or other durable goods and pay over 12, 24 or 36 months.

The manufacturer gets paid.

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The consumer gets the product.

The bank earns legitimate interest.

The factory continues producing.

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Workers remain employed.

And the economy expands.

This is the kind of demand-induced economic growth Nigeria should pursue.

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But Credit Requires Culture Change

There is, however, a major obstacle to implementing such a system in Nigeria. Credit cannot function effectively without trust, integrity and a culture of repayment.

This brings us directly to what I have identified in my previous writings as the QUAD – four interconnected cultural problems that continue to undermine Nigeria’s development:

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  1. Unethical behavior
  2. Greed
  3. Lack of integrity
  4. Permissiveness—the “Oga Abeg” culture

Too many Nigerians have historically viewed loans and government-supported credit schemes as free money that should not necessarily be repaid. That mindset must change.

If a person obtains a bank loan to purchase locally manufactured furniture, a vehicle, equipment or other goods, repayment is not optional. It is a contractual obligation. Failure to repay should affect the individual’s ability to access future financial services.

A properly integrated financial architecture should ensure that a poor credit record follows a borrower across regulated financial institutions and digital financial platforms, subject to due process and appropriate consumer protections.

Banks, fintech companies and regulated payment platforms should be able to participate in a credible national credit-information ecosystem.

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But this cannot be achieved through regulation alone. Nigeria needs a massive national public-awareness campaign on the meaning of credit, contractual obligations and financial responsibility. This is another example of why economic transformation without culture change will remain incomplete.

 

Rethinking Youth Employment

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We cannot continue producing millions of graduates who are jobless while simultaneously importing technicians and skilled workers and leaving young Nigerians without practical skills or employment opportunities.

The recent initiative by the Federal Government of Nigeria under the Tinubu/Shettima Administration to reform the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) is commendable.

However, the reform of the NYSC will be incomplete if it does not transition NYSC into a National Skills and Apprenticeship Program that will help train and equip our young men and women with skills that will help them earn a living as entrepreneurs or be gainfully employed.

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Nigeria must also rethink the purpose of education. I would advocate an optional SECOND year of National Service dedicated specifically to skills acquisition and apprenticeship.

Young Nigerians could receive structured training in areas such as:

  • Automobile technology and diagnostics
  • Electrical installation and maintenance
  • Construction management
  • Fashion and design
  • Collision repair and auto bodywork
  • Agriculture and poultry operations
  • Welding and fabrication
  • Firefighting and emergency services
  • Computer hardware and maintenance
  • Software development
  • App development
  • Coding and programming
  • Artificial intelligence
  • Renewable energy technology
  • Plumbing
  • Refrigeration and air-conditioning
  • Industrial maintenance

The program should be developed in partnership with private-sector employers, manufacturers, technical institutions and professional bodies.

At the end of the program, participants should receive a nationally recognized industry certification demonstrating basic professional competence.

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This would transform NYSC from merely a national service program into a major national workforce-development and apprenticeship system.

The Automobile Sector Alone Offers Enormous Opportunities

Consider the automobile sector. Nigeria has millions of vehicles on the road, yet many mechanics operate without formal training. At the same time, modern vehicles are increasingly computerized and technologically sophisticated.

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The mechanic of tomorrow will need to understand electronics, diagnostics, computer systems, sensors and software, not merely engines and mechanical components.

A national automotive apprenticeship program could therefore create hundreds of thousands of skilled technicians over time while reducing dependence on foreign expertise.

 

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The same principle applies to virtually every technical occupation. Nigeria does not have a shortage of work. Nigeria has a shortage of properly organized opportunities to convert work into productive employment and enterprise.

 

Ethanol: Turning Agriculture into Energy and Employment

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Another opportunity lies in the development of an ethanol-blended fuel program. Nigeria should seriously consider adopting a national ethanol-blending policy, potentially beginning with a 10 percent blend and progressively evaluating higher blends based on technical and economic feasibility. Such a policy could stimulate demand for cassava, maize and other suitable feedstocks.

That demand would create opportunities for farmers, agricultural aggregators, and brokers, processing companies, logistics operators, transporters, equipment suppliers and storage facilities.

The economic impact would therefore extend far beyond the ethanol plant itself. Rather than importing every unit of energy we consume, Nigeria could create a domestic agricultural-energy value chain.

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With the right policies, this could generate substantial employment over time. The precise number of jobs should, of course, be determined through detailed feasibility studies, but the principle is compelling: energy policy can simultaneously become agricultural policy, industrial policy and employment policy.

 

Security and Employment

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Nigeria’s security crisis also requires a fundamentally different approach. We need to build a much stronger human-intelligence capability at the community level.

A large national network of trained intelligence personnel could provide communities, security agencies and government with timely information about criminal activity, kidnapping networks, banditry and terrorism.

Such a program would need to be carefully structured, professionally trained, legally regulated and integrated with existing security agencies. It must not become an uncontrolled vigilante system.

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The objective should be to create a professional intelligence architecture in which ordinary citizens can become an additional source of reliable information for national security.

Security itself can therefore become an area of structured employment while simultaneously strengthening the country’s ability to prevent crime.

 

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Government Should Stop Trying to Be the Entrepreneur

Another important component of Nigeria’s economic transformation should be a gradual reduction in government’s ownership and management of commercial enterprises.

Government’s principal responsibility should be to provide:

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  • Clear regulations
  • Infrastructure
  • Security
  • Efficient taxation
  • Reliable identity systems
  • Access to finance
  • Fair competition
  • Effective institutions

The private sector should increasingly be allowed to serve as the primary engine of production, innovation and employment. Government does not have to own every factory in order to create jobs. It needs to create the enabling environment in which thousands of factories can be profitably established and operated by Nigerians and investors.

Thus, I recommend that the Tinubu/Shettima Administration completely privatize the NNPCL refineries and if there no takers decommission them as they have become a source waste, fraud and abuse.

 

Affordable Housing as an Economic Engine

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Housing provides another powerful example of demand-induced growth. Nigeria should develop long-term mortgage financing, initially targeting public servants such as police officers and members of the armed forces, with mortgage payments deducted directly from salaries.

A properly structured 10 to 15-year mortgage scheme could allow workers to acquire homes while creating demand across an enormous range of industries.

A single housing project requires:

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  • Cement
  • Steel
  • Doors and windows
  • Electrical equipment
  • Plumbing materials
  • Tiles
  • Furniture
  • Roofing materials
  • Engineering services
  • Architects
  • Surveyors
  • Lawyers
  • Transporters
  • Laborers
  • Security services

Housing finance therefore does much more than provide shelter. It creates an economic ecosystem. Once properly established and proven, such schemes could be expanded to the wider population, with government providing the regulatory framework while private financial institutions and developers provide the capital and expertise.

 

The Bigger Picture

Nigeria’s unemployment problem cannot be solved by government simply announcing another recruitment exercise. Nor can it be solved by distributing temporary cash transfers indefinitely.

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We need to create an economic system in which people have the skills to work, businesses have the capacity to produce, consumers have the purchasing power to buy, financial institutions can responsibly provide credit, and borrowers understand that credit must be repaid.

That requires simultaneous reforms in education, finance, manufacturing, agriculture, energy, housing, security and culture.

Most importantly, it requires a change in mindset. We must move away from the belief that government is responsible for providing everything and toward a system in which government creates the conditions for citizens and businesses to become productive economic participants.

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Nigeria’s population should not frighten us, but should inspire us. Two hundred million Nigerians represent two hundred million potential consumers, workers, entrepreneurs, farmers, engineers, technicians, inventors and business owners.

If properly educated, properly organized and connected to functioning markets and financial systems, this population can become one of Nigeria’s greatest economic advantages.

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But population alone is not an asset. A productive population is an asset. And productivity requires skills, integrity, and access to capital, infrastructure, security and demand.

That is why Nigeria’s next economic strategy should not focus exclusively on increasing production. We must also deliberately create the purchasing power that sustains production.

The objective should be simple:

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Produce more.

Buy more.

Employ more.

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Earn more.

Invest more.

Produce even more.

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That is the cycle of demand-induced economic growth that Nigeria must build. And ultimately, none of these reforms will be sustainable without the cultural transformation that underpins them.

Economic transformation requires culture change. Without ethics, integrity, responsibility and a rejection of the “Oga Abeg” mentality, even the best economic policies will continue to produce disappointing results.

Also read: Uber Unveils London Robotaxi After Nigeria Exit

Nigeria therefore needs not merely a new economic policy.

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Nigeria needs a new economic culture.

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Opinion

Has Tinubu lost his grip on the Nigerian media?

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Tinubu

 

By Bola BOLAWOLE,

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You must have heard it said that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has the Nigerian media in his pockets. You may want to wonder how “deep” Tinubu’s pockets are that he can swallow all Nigerian media organizations! In some sense, that idiomatic expression can be true: Tinubu belongs to the tribe of a few Nigerians with “deep” pockets; meaning that they have near-limitless financial resources and clout with which they can buy or influence anything and anyone. Don’t forget that even the Scriptures say “money answereth all things” (Ecclesiastes 10: 19 KJV).

Also read: Fake agencies and ghost workers saga

You will also remember that a similar thing was said of the late MKO Abiola, winner of the annulled June 12, 1993 presidential election, the freest and fairest in Nigeria’s chequered history, but which was annulled for inexplicable reasons by military dictator, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida.

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But is media ownership not too diffused in Nigeria to allow an individual to put the entire Nigeria media in his or her pockets – including even social media? Are proprietary interests not too conflicting and competing for that to happen? Are today’s Nigerian journalists not too educated, too enlightened, too sophisticated, too urbane, and too professional for a single individual to pocket all of them? What of ideological differences, with many journalists fiercely rejecting pecuniary, “brown envelop” and yellow journalism even at the point of the bayonet?

Many of today’s journalists are proud species and professionals to the core who are committed to their watchdog role of holding the government accountable to the people, regardless of whose ox is gored and without exercising any fear or favor. Yes, there are “white legs” in every profession but Professor Richard A. Joseph’s “prebendalism”, where sentiments such as religion, ethnicity, race, personal relations, and such other sense of entitlements trump merit will hardly allow for a single individual to pocket the media in its entirety.

I got thinking along these lines after reading two of my highly respected columns last Sunday. One was Sonala Olumhense’s “Sonala Olumhense Syndicated” titled “The 2027 election is a survey on stupidity” published on the back page of the Sunday PUNCH newspaper of August 30, 2026.

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It was in a very, very bad taste. Sonala, as the Editorial Page editor of The GUARDIAN newspaper, had invited me to the Editorial Board of the then self-proclaimed (and justifiably so!) ‘Flagship” of the Nigerian media. In fact, my first-ever publications in any newspaper were in The GUARDIAN under Sonala’s editorship. They were titled “If I should die unemployed” and “How not to plead for prisoners of conscience.”

Sonala’s line of argument in his piece referenced above hurts, but not the choices he made because he is entitled to them – although, in the same breath, he had denied other Nigerians the right to make their own choices! That faux pas did nothing to diminish Sonala in my estimation, but I felt sorry he went overboard in his desperation to pull Tinubu down but, in the end, promoted vacuity when he said “When there is the kind of menace that APC represents, CREDIBLE OPPOSITION IS ANYONE ELSE (my emphasis) on the ballot.” No sir!

The second of my “Sunday tonic” that got me thinking was Idowu Akinlotan’s “PALLADIUM” on the back page of THE NATION newspaper of Sunday, August 30, 2026 titled “Osun, 2027: APC contends with hostile media.” Reviewing the Ekiti and Osun off-season governorship elections, the one won by APC and the other lost by it, Akinlotan concluded that the Nigerian media was (has become) anti-APC/Tinubu. Can that be true? When and where did it start? Was the media at any point pro-APC/Tinubu? What went wrong? First, snippets from Akinlotan’s piece before we draw our own conclusions:

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“Hard as they tried, leaders of the All Progressives Congress (APC) failed to penetrate the reinforced armour of media establishments opposed to their electoral successes since 2023. The ruling party’s fortunes have not changed. Most loathe the ruling party. That the APC won in 2023 without their help and despite their opposition has left the said media enraged. As the party prepares for the 2027 campaigns, and given the unyielding posture of the said media houses, it must by now have made up its mind to go it alone. The party is unable to win new media friends, and has perhaps given up.

“To make a headway (in the) next polls, it must first reflect on the deeply contrasting Ekiti and Osun governorship elections. On June 20 and August 15, the two elections were conducted, barely two months apart, with few intervening variables, and in the same Yoruba region. If it hopes to win next year, it should review newspaper publications of the period June 21 and 22; and August 16 and 17, all representing before and after the poll reports. The media reports were both revealing and troubling.

“Before the Ekiti poll, the papers displayed a sense of resignation, warning darkly about the consequences of rigging the poll or denying the electorate the right to elect a governor of their choice. But the poll went seamlessly, the outcome predictable weeks before, as former governors of the state queued behind the incumbent, Biodun Oyebanji. For media houses which had repeatedly rhapsodised democracy and freedom of choice unfettered by electoral shenanigans, it was expected they would capture the popular mood and abjure the projection of their beliefs and prejudices on the electorate. From casting doubt on the integrity of the polls in their June 20 reports, the media went on, a day after the poll on June 21, to feign objectivity that Mr. Oyebanji was Ieading in the vote count amid vote-buying allegations, unconvincing turnout, and other insinuated malfeasances. There always had to be a but!”

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Mr. Akinlotan was right to a great extent. I had written off the Ekiti election, ever before it was conducted, as a coronation of sorts because the opposition, embroiled at the national and local levels by court cases, INEC deregistration threats, internal squabbles and inability to form a united front, did not stand a chance in the election.

The media grudge that Akinlotan spoke about here was actually visible.

But when it came to Osun where opposition Gov. Ademola Adeleke was giving APC a hell of trouble, the opposition media, if I may call it that, came alive, and when Adeleke was coasting home to victory, they celebrated it the way they never celebrated Oyebanji in Ekiti; same when Adeleke was eventually announced as the winner of the election.

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Let me start by saying that Akinlotan’s advice that Tinubu should ignore the “opposition” media and go it alone will not serve the president any good.

A better option is to find out what went wrong with a man who courted and cultivated the media, and who was loved and supported by it, and why the reverse is now the case – if we are to take Akinlotan’s narrative as the gospel truth.

Besides, enough evidence has emerged that elections are not won here on social media or by newspaper endorsements.

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One: Tinubu started on a wrong footing with the first appointment of a spokesperson. The guy was clearly a misfit for the office. Two: The initial in-fighting within Tinubu’s media team seriously harmed and hampered their performance and dented their image. Three: The truculence of some of Tinubu’s presidential aides, instead of being accommodating and conciliatory, offended and isolated many of their professional colleagues. Four: Some names on Tinubu’s media team embarrass true professionals. Five: Has Tinubu’s media team been proactive enough? How often, how persistently, do they reach out to their professional colleagues with vital information? They should constantly court and cultivate their professional colleagues and not expect it to be the other way round.

Historically, the media is adversarial. It started by fighting the Colonial government for the country’s Independence. I do not think the media has totally purged that advocacy from its bloodline.

It is an aberration when we describe the government and the media as “partners in progress.” The media’s duty is to hold the government accountable to the people by constantly holding government’s feet to the fire – but it should also give kudos when it is richly deserved, just like Babafemi Ojudu did recently on the Lagos-Calabar expressway signature project of the Tinubu administration.

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Traditionally, the media supports the underdog. In Osun, Gov. Adeleke was the perceived underdog whereas in Ekiti, the disparate opposition parties were the underdog.

Professionally, the media is sensational. Bad news makes better news. Hence we were taught that when a dog bites a man, it is not news but when a man bites a dog, bedlam! Sensational news sells newspapers better and faster. Ask readers themselves! They determine what they would like to read!

Respectfully, I do not think Akinlotan’s scare-mongering is the right way to go.

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Tinubu should instead re-invent his media team to become more conciliatory and accessible to their professional colleagues – be they so-called opposition or friendly media. Engage with them more frequently.

If people are made to see the other side of any issue, many of them will become more supportive and compassionate.

When people are shut out, deliberately or inadvertently, you lose the right to complain that they are hostile.

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Besides, dissenting voices oil the wheel of democracy. Effective media relations takes no one as an enemy but as inescapable partners in the same Nigerian project, even if we see things from different or conflicting prisms or perspectives.

Office-holders should always have it at the back of their mind that there is a terminal date to every appointment.

Also read: Fake agencies and ghost workers saga

If in doubt, ask yourself where are the men and women who occupied the office and sat on the same seat that you occupy today? You, too, will become history!

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(Published in the TREASURES column on the back page of the NEW TELEGRAPH newspaper of Wednesday, 2 September, 2026).

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